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THE 

JOURNAL 



SACEED LITEKATTJKE 



BIBLICAL RECORD. 



EDITED Br • 
B. HARRIS COWPER; 

BDITOR OF THE NEW TSSTAMECT IX QJIBBK 7E0M CODSX A J A STBIAC QBAMMAR, ETC. 



VOL. VI. (New Series.) 



WILLIAMS AND NORGATE, 

14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; 
20 SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. 

1865. 



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LONDON : 

MITCHELL AND HUGHES, PRINTERS, 

WARDOUR STREET, W. 



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INDEX 



VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES). 



Abydos, the tablet of, 6. 

Acts of the Apostles, commentary on, 
476. 

Acts xvii. 23, " Devotions " in, 469. 

Acts ii. 42, exposition of, 468. 

Adam of St. Victor, a hymn of, 49. 

Adoption, the, 244. 

Alexander, the death of, 408. 

Alford, Dean, referred to, 137 ; on the 
erroneous passages of the Authorized 
Version of the Bible, 324 ; and the 
infidel, 324 ; quoted, 350. 

Algazel, 365. 

Alphabet, the, of Bardesanes, 465. 

Angels, the sin of the, 182. 

Anglo-Saxon, the Lord's Prayer in, 
457. 

Apocalypse of the Old Testament and 
that of the New, analogy between, 
76 ; the analogy of the, 462. 

Apocalypse, Eusebius quoted on, 76 ; 
of Daniel and that of St. John com- 
pared, 78. 

Aquinas, Thomas, quoted. 

Arabs, metaphysical schools amongst 
the, 354 ; the most celebrated philo- 
sophers amongst, 360. 

Archons, the, of Demosthenes, 149. 

Arnauld, M., quoted on Inspiration, 
291. 

Arnold, Prize Essay, 482. 

Arnold, Dr., quoted, 349, 352. 

Art, early Christian, 503. 

Augustine quoted, 70. 

Authors, extracts from various, on 
Inspiration, 261. 



B 

Bardesanes, the alphabet of, 466 ; Hil- 
genfeld on, 493. 

Barkal, the stele" discovered at, 15. 

Basil, St., quoted on Inspiration, 291. 

Beattie, Dr., quoted on Inspiration, 279. 

Bedell, Bishop, memoir of, 249. 

Beer, Dr., referred to, 355. 

Bergier, Abbe\ quoted on Inspiration, 
271. 

Berosus,the Chaldaean historian quoted, 
14, note ; referred to, 104. 

Bezae Codex Cantabrigiensis, 225. 

Bible, the, Chilli ngworth on, 50 ; Cran- 
mer's extracts from, 302 ; Geneva, 
extracts from, 302 ; Parker's ex- 
tracts from, 302 ; English, the, 480. 

Bible, the Holy, with notes, etc., 479. 

Bible and science, the claims of the, 
245. 

Biblical Papers, 481. 

Birch, Dr., an inscription deciphered 
by, 12 ; quoted, 24. 

Blanc, Louis le, quoted on Inspiration, 
275. 

Bonaventura quoted, 30, note ; a hymn 
of, 49. 

Brandis referred to, 98. 

Brugsch, Dr., quoted, 4, 17. 

Bull, Bishop, referred to, 141. 

Bunsen, Baron, quoted, 5, 7, 19, 112. 

Burgess, Dr., referred to, 129, note. 



Cajetan, Cardinal, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 288. 



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INDEX TO VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES.) 



Calam, the science of the, 358. 

Calderon quoted, 86, 40, 46. 

Calippic period, the, 402. 

Calvin, John, 248 ; quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 262. 

Catalogue of Syriac MSS. in the Bod- 
leian, 481. 

Cerameus quoted, 38. 

Chaldea, ethnography of early, 171. 

Charapollion quoted, 4. 

Charnock, Stephen, the complete 
works of, 234, 490. 

Cherubim, Riehm on, 492. 

Chillingworth on the Bible, 50. 

China, history of, quoted, 13 ; M. Mea- 
dows quoted on, 196. 

Chinese, the philosophy of the, 196. 

Christ, the, of the Gospels, 244. 

Christian art, early, 503. 

Christian and Jewish inscriptions, 497. 

Christianity, meditations on the essence 
of, 487. 

Chronograms, ancient Biblical, 496. 

Chronology, a rational view of Hebrew, 
107; Egyptian, 109; Stuart Poole 
quoted on, 110. 

Church of England, extension of the 
ministry in the, 493. 

Churchman, Literary, quoted, 320 ; 
Pringle quoted on, 343. 

Church, the early Scottish, 477. 

Cifatites, the, 356. 

Clare, John, a book which belonged to, 
469. 

Comestor, Petrus, quoted, 41. 

Commentary on the Acts, 476 ; on the 
Old Testament, 476; on Epistle to 
the Colossians, 478. 

Common sense, English, 494. 

Contenson, Vincent, quoted on Inspi- 
ration, 290. 

Conybeare referred to, 353. 

Cross, the, as the Tree of Life, 47. 

Cuneiform inscriptions, the decipher- 
ment of, described and tested, 91. 

Cureton, Dr., referred to. 129, note. 

Cycle, the Metonic, and Calippic period, 
402. 



Damascus, Johannes, quoted, 37. 
Daniel, proposal for publishing a new 

exposition, 256 ; the Prophet, 472 ; 

authenticity of the Book of, 473 ; Sir 

Isaac Newton quoted on, 473. 
Danish-Saxon, the Lord's Prayer in, 

457. 
Dante quoted, 507. 



Darwin referred to, 321. 

Dashoor, the great Pyramid of, 9. 

Demosthenes, the archons of, 149. 

De Pressense*, works by, 206, 491. 

Desmond, the Countess of, 20. 

" Devotions " in Acts xvii. 23, 469. 

Dictionary, Smith's Biblical, quoted, 
110—113, note, 121, 122, 125. 

Discussions on the Gospels, 470. 

Djabarites, the, 355. . 

Doddridge, Dr., quoted on New Testa- 
ment, 128; quoted on Inspiration, 
268. 

Donaldson, Dr., quoted, 350, 351. 

Douay theologians quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 288. 

Dyalogue, Proper, 310. 



E 



Eber and the children of Eber, 179. 
Edinburgh Review quoted, 365. 
Edessa, James of, 357. 
Edmund of Canterbury quoted, 30, 

note. 
Egypt, Israel in, 1. 
Egyptian dynasties of Manetho, 191. 
Elephantine, the engraved stone at, 5. 
Ellicott, Bishop, quoted, 68. 
" W the preposition, 183. 
English, the Dean's, 484. 
English, the Lord's Prayer in, 457. 
English writers, 242. 
Enoch, Book of, quoted, 84, note. 
Epiphanius quoted, 28. 
Ess, Van, referred to, 297. 
Ethnography of Early Chaldea, 171. 
Eucharist, the witness of the, 483. 
Euripides quoted, 349. 
Eusebius quoted, 114. 
Evangelical Calendar, Piper's, 494. 
Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum,242. 
Evangile, Le Pays de P,*491. 
Exposition of Acts ii. 42, 468. 



Faith and Life, 493. 

Faussett, Professor, quoted, 117. 

Faustus Socinus, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 293. 

Ferdinand of Escalante, quoted on In- 
spiration, 288. 

Fergusson quoted, 95. 

Fishes in the Sea of Galilee, 468. 

Forster, the Eev. Charles, 3. 



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INDEX TO VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES.) 



Fortunatus quoted, 39 ; a hymn of, 49. 
Frassen quoted on Inspiration, 289. 
Frauenlob quoted, 43, 44. 
Frederick II. encouraging the Jews, 

360. 
Fredigisus quoted on Inspiration, 292. 
French Revolution, De Pressense' on, 

206. 
Fresuel referred to, 103. 
Fry, Mr., his facsimiles of Tyndale's 

Translation, etc., 295 ; quoted, 298. 



G 



Galilee, fishes in the sea of, 468. 
Gaussen, referred to, 294. 
Geiger's Judenthum, 491. 
Genesis iv. 8, 464 ; vi. 3, 467. 
Gennadius, confession of, 492. 
Gervasius of Tilbury quoted, 42. 
Glass, early Christian, 253. 
Godfridus "of Viterbo quoted, 43. 
Gbthe quoted, 36. 
Gospels, discussions on the, 470. 
Gratry's philosophy reviewed, 209. 
Gregory of Nyssa quoted, 28. 
Grey, Lady Jane, letter to her sister, 

106. 
Guizot's Meditations, 240, 487. 



H 

Haldane, Robert, quoted, 188; referred 
to, 294. 

Hales, Dr., referred to, 117 ; quoted, 
119. 

Hall, Robert, quoted, 313. 

Hammond, Dr., quoted on Inspiration, 
263. 

Heeren quoted, 22. 

Heidenheim's Vierteljahrsschrift, 247. 

Hengstenberg quoted, 9, note. 

Henry, Matthew, quoted, 187. 

Henry of Meissen quoted, 43. 

Herzog's Real Encyklopadie, 492. 

Hi neks, Dr., referred to, 91, note; 97, 
and note ; quoted, 149 ; quoted, 402, 
403, 406, 407. 

History, questions upon Scripture, 245. 

Holiness, God's way of, 247. 

Home in humble life, 490. 

Homes, our eternal, 494. 

Hooker, Richard, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 262. 

Household Prayer, 492. 

Howe quoted, 401. 

Howson referred to, 353. 



Hugo of St. Victor quoted, 6, S 
Hymnal, the daily service, 241. 
Hymns, ancient, 49. 



Ibn-B&dja, 366 ; the writings of, 366. 

Ibn-Roschd, 369, 371. 

Ibn-Sma's works, account of, 363 ; 
Philosophy of, 364. 

Ibn-Tofail, 367. 

Immessen, Arnold, quoted, 46. 

Inferno quoted, 361. 

Infidelity, popular, in the Metropolis, 
320. 

Inscriptions in the British Museum, 19 ; 
the decipherment of cuneiform, de- 
scribed and tested, 91; Christian and 
Jewish, 497. 

Inspiration, the nature and extent of 
Divine, 257; extracts from various 
authors on, 261 ; Calvin quoted on, 
262; Richard Hooker quoted in, 
262 ; Wolfang Musculus quoted on, 
262 ; Dr. Hammond quoted on, 263 ; 
Benedict, Pictet, quoted on, 263 ; 
Francis Turretin quoted on, 268; 
Dr. Doddridge quoted on, 268 ; dif- 
ferent kinds of, 269 ; Abbe" Bergier 
quoted on, 271; Richard Simon, 
274, 286 ; Louis le Blanc quoted on, 
275 ; Nichols, Dr., quoted on, 276 ; 
Beattie, Dr., quoted on, 279 ; Scott, 
Thomas, quoted on, 281 ; Tomline, 
Bishop, quoted on, 282 ; Jesuits of 
Lou vain quoted on, 287 ; Douey 
theologians quoted on, 288 ; Ferdi- 
nand of Escalante quoted on, 288 ; 
Cardinal Cajetan quoted on, 288; 
Frasseu's IHsquisitiones Biblicee 
quoted on, 289 ; the Jesuit Mariana 
quoted on, 289; Melchior Cano 
quoted on, 290 ; Vincent Contenson 

• quoted on, 290 ; Cardinal Bellarmine 
quoted on, 290 ; M. Arnauld quoted 
on, 291 ; St. Basil quoted on, 291 ; 
Fredigisus quoted on, 292 ; Faustus 
Socinus quoted on, 293 ; Sir Norton 
Knatchbull quoted on, 293; Haldane 
referred to on, 294; Gaussen referred 
to on, 294 ; Simon Episcopius quoted . 
on, 294. 

Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, the, 
482. 

Instruction, a brief in the worship of 
God, etc., 469. 

Interpretation of Scripture, the, 68. 



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INDEX TO VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES.) 



Irenasus quoted, 38. 

Ischrakyyin, the, 359. 

Isaiah, the fifty-third chapter of, 246. 

Israel in Egypt, 1. 



Jacobus a Voragine quoted, 42. 
James of Edessa, 357. 
Jerusalem, the holy places of, 241. 
Jerusalem, the taking of by Shishak, 

10 ; Mr. "Wilson quoted on, 10. 
Jesuits of Lovaine, the, quoted on 

Inspiration, 287. 
Jewish and Christian Inscriptions, 
Job, the book of, 238. 
Josephus quoted, 8. 
Jowett, Professor, quoted, 350. 
Judenthum das, und seine Geschichte, 

491. 
Julieu, M. Stanislaus, his translations 

from the Chinese, 196. 



K 

Kadrites, the, 355. 
Kayo University Prize, 473. 
Knatchbull, Sir Norton, quoted 
Inspiration, 293. 



Lamentations iv. 20 in the Latin 

Vulgate, 181. 
Language, lectures on the science of, 

242. 
Lao Tseu. 196. 
Layard, A. H., referred to, 96 ; quoted, 

98. 
Lepsius, Professor, quoted, 4. 
Lewis, Sir G. C, referred to, 102. 
Liguori's Doctrine of Equivocation, 

495. 
Literature, Royal Society of, 495. 
Longevity, modern instances of, 20. 
Lord's, our, life ou earth, 491. 
Lyell, Sir C, referred to, 321. 
Lyra Messianica, 240. 
Lyra Mystica, 485. 

M 

Macarius, Chrysocephalus, quoted, 28. 
Magce, Dean, referred to, 137. 
Man, his true nature, etc., 493. 



Manetho, Bunsen's admiration of, 7 ; 
quoted, 16 ; quoted by Josephus, 22, 
24 ; Egyptian dynasties of, 191. 

Marbles, the Arundellian, quoted, 23. 

Mariana, the Jesuit, quoted on Inspi- 
ration, 289. 

Marsh, Bishop, quoted, 119, 123. 

Martvr, Justin, quoted, 27; referred 
to,*27. 

Martyrs, the encomium of the, 129. 

Mary, the departure of my Lady from 
this world, 417. 

Maternus quoted, 37 ; and note. 

Matthew, St., the first twelve chapters 
of the Gospel according to, 225. 

Maxims, harmonic, of science and 
religion, 483. 

Meditations sur VEssence de la Reli- 
gion Chr&ienne, 240. 

Meditations on the essence of Chris- 
tianity, 487. 

Meditations, eucharistic, 246. 

Meditations and prayers, 493. 

Melchior Cano quoted on Inspiration, 
290. 

Men, the presumption of, 416. 

Me*nant referred to, 96. 

Metonic cycle, the, 402. 

Mercy, the legend of the oil of, 30. 

Milton quoted, 508. 

Mordtmann referred to, 92. 

More, Sir Thomas, quoted, 306, 307. 

Munk, M., referred to, 355; quoted, 
363. 

Miinter quoted, 41, note. 

Musculus, Wolfgang, quoted on Inspi- 
ration, 262. 



N 



Nablus, a residence in, 485. 

Name, the memorial, 455. 

Netherlandish literature, quotations 
from, 32—35. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, quoted on Daniel, 
473. 

Newman, Dr., referred to, 323. 

Nichols, William, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 276. 

Nicodemus, the Gospel of, quoted, 38. 

N orris, referred to, 92; quoted, 101, 
note. 



Oppert quoted, 99, and note. 
Origen quoted, 121. 



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INDEX TO VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES.) 



Paedobaptism, an apology for, 249. 

Palfreyman, Thomas, extract from, 26. 

Papyrus in British Museum quoted, 
17. 

Parable of the rich man and Lazarus, 
the, 51, 59, 62. 

Pastoral work, principles and practice 
of, 478. 

Paul, revelation of the Apostle, 372 ; 
the Epistles of St., 495. 

Pentateuch and Book of Joshua criti- 
cally examined, 489. 

Perowne, Mr., quoted, 213, 216, 217. 

Philippians, lectures upon the Epistle 
to, 478. 

Pictet, Benedict, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 263. 

Pierotti, Dr., 241. 

Plato quoted, 7. 

Pliny quoted, 81, note. 

Plutarch quoted, 151. 

Poole's Hora JEgyptiaca referred to, 
9. 

Poole, Mr. Stuart, quoted, 110, 112, 
125. 

Prayer Book, lectures on the, 245. 

Prayer, household, 493. 

Prayer, the Lord's, Versions of, 457. 

Prayers, meditations and, 493. 

Prison, the Spirits in, 449. 

Prize, the children's, 490. 

Promise, the word of, 490. 

Psalms, the Book of, 213 ; Mr. Perowne 
quoted on, 213, 216, 217. 

Punishment, capital, and Gen. ix. 6, 
314. 

Purity, the brothers of, 359. 

Pusey, Dr., quoted on Daniel, 462. 



Quarterlies, sundry, 249. 



R 



Raffles quoted. 
Rationalism, German, 477. 
Rawlinson quoted, 25 ; Aid* to Faith, 

quoted, 113. 
Rawlinson, Sir Henry, referred to, 95 ; 

quoted, 100, 103, and note. 
Realists and Nominalists, the quarrel 

of, 361. 
Renan quoted, 87, note; referred to, 

321. 



Revelation, the, of the Apostle Paul, 

372. 
Revelation, the divine plan of, 231. 
Robertson, Rev. F. W., referred to, 

144. 
Romanism, the novelties of, 243. 
Romans viii. 17, 18, note on, 177, 453. 
Rome, St. Paul's Epistle to the 

Christians in, 233. 
Rosetta stone, the, 2. 
Rouge*, Vicomte de, referred to, 5 ; 

quoted, 6. 



Samaritans, an account of the modern, 
485. 

Sanskrit language, a Grammar of the, 
236. 

Schools, metaphysical amongst the 
Arabs, 354. 

Scotch, the Lord's Prayer in, 457. 

Scott, Thomas, quoted, 187 ; quoted on 
Inspiration, 281. 

Scottish Church, the early, 477. 

Scribe, the, instructed, etc., 495. 

Scripture, gleanings from, 494. 

Scripture and its interpretation, Ellicott 
quoted on, 68. 

Scripture and science, 495. 

Selden, John, quoted, 136. 

Selections from the Syriac, 129. 

Sermons, Dr. Mac Neece's University, 
134. 

Sibbes, Richard, the complete works 
of, 234. 

Simon Episcopius quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 294. 

Simon, Richard, quoted on Inspiration, 
274, 286. 

Sincerity, the brothers of, 359. 

Society, report of the Royal Asiatic, 
quoted, 104. 

Soul, the loss of the, 313 ; the sublime 
contemplations of a holy, 401. 

&outech, meaning of the name, 17. 

Spirit and soul, notes on, 495. 

Stephen, Sir James, quoted, 471. 

Strauss referred to, 321. 

Syncellus quoted, 14. 

Syntax and svnonyms of the Greek 
* Testament, 219. " 

Syriac MSS., catalogue of, in the Bod- 
leian Library, 481. 

Syriac, selections from the, 129. 

Syrus, Ephrscem, quoted, 119, 121. 



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INDEX TO VOLUME VI. (NEW SERIES.) 



T 



Tertullian quoted, 39, 81, note. 

Testament, commentary on the Old 
and New, 246 ; Biblical commentary 
on the Old, 476. 

Testament, Scholia on passages of the 
Old, 475. 

Testament, syntax and synonyms of 
the Greek, 219 ; texts of *MSS. of the 
Greek, 228. 

Testament, Tyndale's translation of the 
New, 295, 304. 

Texts, Exegesis of difficult, Matt. xxvi. 
50, 344 ; Matt, xxvii. 42 ; Mark xv. 
31, 344 ; Mark vi. 7, 345 ; Acts ii. 1, 
345 ; Acts iv. 13, 347 ; Acts iv. 26, 
29, 30, 348; Acts v. 3, 348; Acts 
vii. 53, 349; Rom. ii. 27, 350; 2 
Cor. iv. 15, 351 ; 1 Thess. iv. 4, 352. 

Texts of the most ancient MSS. of the 
Greek Testament, 228. 

Theodulf quoted, 39. 

Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, quoted, 
11. 

Tholuck on Rationalism, 492. 

Thucydides quoted, 352. 

Tomline, Bishop, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 282. 

Toulouse, the Council of, prohibits the 
Scriptures to the Laity, 296. 

Tree of knowledge, on the derivation 
of the wood of the cross from, 41. 

Tree of life, the, 27 ; application of, to 
the person of Christ, 27; Justin 
Martyr, opinion of, 27 ; Macarius 
Chrysocephelus quoted on, 28 ; Epi- 
phanius quoted on, 28 ; Gregory of 
Nyssa quoted on, 28; Hugo of St. 
Victor quoted on, 29 ; application of 
the, to the cross of Christ, 36 ; 
Johannes Damascenus quoted on, 
37; Maternus quoted on, 37, and 



note, 39; Thomas Aquinas quoted, 
38; Theophanes Cerameus quoted 
on, 38; Irenaeus quoted on, 38; 
Nicodemus, the gospel of, quoted, 
38 ; the cross as the, 47. 

Trypho quoted, 121. 

Turretin, Francis, quoted on Inspira- 
tion, 268. 

Tyndale's translations, 295 ; an ac- 
count of, 298; specimens of, 301, 
404, 307; Sir Thomas More and, 
306, 307. 



U 



Ueberweg's patristic philosophy, 492. 
Unbelief, causes of, 321 ; Vaughan re- 
ferred to, 353. 



Victorinus, a hymn of, 49. 
Vulgate, Lamentations iv. 20 in the 
Latin, 181. 

W 

Walton, Bishop, referred to, 117. 
Westminster Review quoted, 76. 
Whately, Archbishop, referred to, 136. 
Wilkinson, Sir Gardiner, 23 ; quoted, 

25. 
Williams, Dr. Rowland, quoted, 12. 
Wilson's, Mr., Essay on the National 

Church quoted, 10. 
Wilson, Professor H. H., quoted, 105. 
Wordsworth, Dr., quoted, 352, 480. 



Young, Dr. Thomas, 3. 



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THE 

JOURNAL 



OF 



SACRED LITERATURE 

AND 

BIBLICAL RECORD. 

No. XL— OCTOBER, 1864. 

ISRAEL Iff EGYPT. 

Few of the millions in the habit of making holiday at Syden- 
ham are probably aware that an inscription in the language of 
the ancient Egyptians circumscribes one of the most beautiful 
courts of the Crystal Palace, and tells those who are capable of 
deciphering hieroglyphic mysteries the age and the object of all 
to be seen around. 

The translation of the inscription in question reads as fol- 
lows : — 

" In the seventeenth year of the reign of Her Majesty, the 
ruler of the waves, the royal daughter Victoria, Lady most Gra- 
cious, the architects, sculptors, and painters erected this palace 
and gardens with one thousand columns, one thousand decora- 
tions, one thousand statues of chief men and women, one 
thousand trees, one thousand flowers, one thousand birds and 
beasts, one thousand fountains, and one thousand vases. The 
architects, painters, and sculptors built this palace as a book for 
the instruction of all countries, regions, and districts. May it 
ever prosper." 

The wanderer in the East may also read an inscription in 
the same ancient language, of nearly the same date, in a locality 
where, if there be less of the combined beauty of nature and of 
art than exists at Sydenham, we should more naturally expect 
to light upon an historical record in characters which disclose 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. B 



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2 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

their origin, but whose decipherment, for nearly two thousand 
years, has been lost to the civilized world. On a large and 
carefully prepared stone slab, at some height above the entrance 
to the great pyramid (built by king Cheops, as Herodotus calls 
him, or Suphis, according to the present mode of hieroglyphic 
reading, as a resting-place for his mummy), is the inscription 
referred to above. It may be thus translated : — 

" Thus speaks the servants of the king, whose name is the 
Sun and Rock of Prussia, Lepsius the scribe, Erbkam the 
architect, the brothers Weidenback the painters, Frey the 
painter, Franke the farmer, Bonomi the sculptor, Wild the 
architect : — Hail to the Eagle, Shelterer of the Cross, the King, 
the Sun and Rock of Prussia, the Son of the Sun, Freer of the 
Land, Frederick William the Fourth, the Philopator, his coun- 
try's Father the Gracious, the Favourite of Wisdom and History, 
the Guardian of the Rhine stream, chosen by Germany, the 
Giver of Life. May the Highest God grant the King and his 
Consort, the Queen Elizabeth, the Life-rich one, the Philometer, 
her country's Mother the Gracious, a fresh-springing life on 
earth, and a blessed habitation in heaven for ever. In the year 
of our Saviour, 1842, in the tenth month, and the fifteenth day 
of the month, on the forty-seventh birthday of His Majesty, on 
the Pyramid of King Suphis; in the third year, the fifth month, 
the ninth day of the reign of His Majesty, in the year 3164, 
from the commencement of the Dog-star period under King 
Manepthes." 

Without stopping to criticize these contemporary inscrip- 
tions, which may be safely left to the savant from New Zealand 
of a future age, they are merely introduced as significant of the 
progress which the study of hieroglyphics has made amongst the 
literati of the present day. The key which has opened the 
literary treasures of the ancient Egyptians to the scientific 
world is unquestionably the famous Rosetta stone which now 
adorns the British Museum. In the year 1799, a French artil- 
lery officer, named Bouchart, while engaged on some works at 
the fortress of Rosetta, in Lower Egypt, discovered the fragment 
of an oblong square slab of black basalt from the "far Syene/ 1 
It bore a trilingual inscription : the upper one was in hierogly- 
phics, the lower in Greek, while the centre was in a character 
commonly known as the enchorial or demotic, i. e., the writing 
of the people as distinct from that of the priests. The Greek 
text shewed that the tablet contained a recognition of the highest 
honours of the Pharaohs in the person of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
who reigned in Egypt at the close of the second century b.c. 
Sir Ralph Abercrombie's victory at Alexandria, and the subse- 



X 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 3 

quent surrender of the city, placed it in the hands of a distin- 
guished scholar, Mr. W. R. Hamilton, author of the jEgyptiaca, 
then with the British army as the government commissioner. 
The monument was dispatched to England, and, thus, by a 
fatality no less singular than striking, became permanently 
located in the British capital in place of adorning the Louvre, 
at Paris. As engraved copies of the Rosetta stone became com- 
mon in Europe, its decipherment appeared to philosophers a 
problem capable of being solved. Heyne and Porson, by 
restoring and interpreting the Greek inscription, greatly facili- 
tated this most difficult task. To an Englishman belongs the 
honour of having taken the first step towards reading the hiero- 
glyphic portion of the tablet. Dr. Thomas Young, a learned 
physician, who was known to fame by his discoveries in mathe- 
matical and physical science, had his attention directed to the 
great Egyptian problem of the day, and so rapid was his progress 
that in less than a year after the commencement of such studies 
he was enabled to offer "A Conjectural Translation of the 
Egyptian Inscription of the Rosetta stone/' The system which 
Dr. Young originated has been more or less confirmed by the 
genius of such men as Champollion, De Roug£, and Marriette, 
amongst the French ; Bunsen, Lepsius, and Brugsch, amongst 
the Germans ; and of our own countrymen, the not less distin- 
guished names of Birch, Wilkinson, Osburn, Poole, Goodwyn, 
Sharpe, and others, who have all contributed their quota to the 
greatest philological triumph of the present century. 

It is said that one who claims rank as a philologist remains 
still unconvinced. The Rev. Charles Forster, author of a work 
entitled The One Primeval Language, in which he has endea- 
voured to prove that the inscriptions on the rocks of Sinai were 
engraved by the Israelites during their wanderings in the wil- 
derness, has contended that he alone possesses the true key to 
unlock the hieroglyphic mysteries of ancient Egypt. There is, 
however, a story on record which makes us hesitate before bow- 
ing in submission to the conclusions of one who, probably, 
stands almost, if not quite, alone, in the peculiarity of his views. 
When a work upon the Egyptian inscriptions in the British 
Museum was published not long ago by Dr. Birch, one of the 
most distinguished Egyptologers, Mr. Forster gladly seized the 
occasion, though rather too hastily, as it proved for his own 
fame, to shew the superiority of his system of interpretation. 
Selectiug the hieroglyphic inscription, which appeared in the 
frontispiece, as the test of his skill, he confidently announced 
that it referred to some historic deed which happened in the 
reign of Thothmes III., the grandfather of the Pharaoh supposed 

d2 



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4 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

to have been drowned in the Red Sea. However, the event 
proved that so far from being of so very high antiquity, the 
inscription had been composed by Dr. Birch himself in the 
British Museum, and was, in reality, a dedication of the work 
to our Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria. 

The system of hieroglyphic interpretation has now stood the 
test of half a century, and not only has it received the adhesion, 
as well as exercised the utmost skill, of some of the acutest 
intellects of the day, but it has also confirmed in no slight 
degree the truth of Israel's history in Egypt, which must, there- 
fore, commend itself to every believer in the authenticity of the 
earlier books of Scripture. Unhappily, some of the present 
Egyptologers have either denied or perverted this evidence in 
disregard of the expressed opinion of the most famous of them 
all. Alluding to the adversaries of revelation in his own time, 
Champollion wrote : " They will find in this work an absolute 
reply to their calumnies, since I have demonstrated that no 
Egyptian monument is really older than the year 2200 before 
our era. This, certainly, is a very high antiquity, but it pre- 
sents nothing contradictory to the sacred histories, and I venture 
to affirm that it establishes them on all points ; for it is, in fact, 
by adopting the chronology and the succession of kings given 
by the Egyptian monuments that the Egyptian history wonder- 
fully accords with the sacred writings." 

German neologians and British essayists, aided now by 
episcopal authority, have endeavoured to throw discredit upon 
the story of the Exodus, as recorded in Scripture. Be it ours 
to shew, from the evidence which has recently been brought to 
light by Egyptology, what strong confirmation this science in 
reality affords to the truth of the Mosaic record. And we may 
console ourselves with this reflection, that the extraordinary 
differences which exist between those who exalt human reason 
above Scripture necessarily lessen the force of those objections 
which their undoubted talent and power of criticism would other- 
wise command. While, for example, we gather from the Book 
of Exodus that the duration of the Israelites in Egypt, from the 
time of the descent of Jacob and the Patriarchs unto the day of 
their deliverance by Moses, amounted exactly to 215 years, 
three distinguished German writers not only refuse to pay the 
slightest regard to the Mosaic account, but disagree so much 
with each other that it is impossible to accept them as guides on 
the dispute in question. Professor Lepsius states that " only 
about ninety years intervened from the entrance of Jacob to the 
Exodus of Moses;" Dr. Brugsch contends that the Israelites 
were in Egypt during the complete period of 430 years ; while 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 5 

Baron Bimsen writes, " the duration of the sojourn in Egypt 
was 1434 years."" 

In a similar manner, Egyptologers who refuse to make 
Scripture the basis of their calculations, differ respecting the 
duration of the rule of the shepherd kings in Egypt. Notwith- 
standing the existence of the Tablet of Aydos, one of the chief 
treasures of the British Museum, which Bunseu justly terms 
"the most celebrated of all chronological monuments," as it 
gives us a clue to determine the duration of the Hycsos invasion, 
the learned Baron computes it as lasting 926 years ; Professor 
Lepsius reduces it to 500 years ; while the Vicomte de Rouge 
elongates it to 2017 years. The true limit, as we believe, not 
exceeding above 100 years, i. e. t during the reign of two kings 
whose names are inscribed on the tablet ; and which computa- 
tion alone harmonizes with the requirements of the story of the 
Exodus, as recorded in the Pentateuch. Nothing, indeed, can 
prove more clearly the fallacious mode of reasoning adopted by 
some Egyptologers than this attempt to lengthen the continuance 
of a foreign dynasty in Egypt for so many centuries beyond 
what Scripture, the monuments, and historical experience appear 
to warrant. As in the case of the Norman conquest of this 
country, the Hycsos would have ceased to have been considered 
foreigners had their dynasty lasted through two or, at the 
utmost, three centuries. The impossibility of De Rough's theory 
may be estimated by supposing that the descendants of Julius 
Caesar had been ruling in England ever since the first Roman 
invasion, and that the present generation of Englishmen, headed 
by a descendant of the ancient British kings, were to rise against 
them, and expel them from the throne in consequence of their 
being foreigners. 

We may mention another instance of the great difference 
existing amongst Egyptologers, who prefer their own specula- 
tions to the harmony which, we shall endeavour to shew, exists 
between Scripture and Egyptian history, as recorded on the 
monuments, and related by Manetho in his dynastic lists of the 
Pharaohs. Built into the river wall, past which the Nile flows 
at Elephantine, is a block of stone engraved with hieroglyphical 
characters, proving it to have once formed a part of one of those 
ancient almanacks which are to be seen at Medinet-Abou, Ten- 
tyra, and Esneh. It bears a date which is still legible, and 
which reads as follows: "28th day of the month Epiphi. Fes- 
tival of the Rising of the Dog Star." A dispute has been raging 
amongst Egyptologers as to the name of the Pharaoh who 

• Lepsius' Letters from Egypt, v. 475. Dr. Brugsch's Histoire d'Egypte^ 
p. 80. Hansen's Egypt's Place in Universal History, iii., 357. 

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6 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

erected this monument, for it has been fairly assumed that if we 
knew this for certain, and likewise (which is another most 
important element) whether the Egyptians had a standard lati- 
tude on which all their astronomical calculations were based, 
just as we possess a standard meridian at Greenwich, we might 
find a fixed point in chronology for the reign of a certain 
Pharaoh, and rectify the dynasties of Manetho accordingly. 
Assuming that Memphis, Egypt's ancient capital, was the 
standard latitude, and knowing that the 28th of the month 
Epiphi answers to the 20th of July, it has been calculated that 
the Dog-star rose hiliacally at Memphis on that day only during 
one of these four years, viz., b.c. 1477 — 1474, during which the 
festival was observed, as recorded in the calendar. In the 
neighbourhood of the quay, at Elephantine, where this old alma- 
nack now stands as part of a new wall, according to the custom 
of the degenerate Egyptians of modern days, the escutcheons of 
Thothmes III., and Rameses II., both of whom bear, and, 
perhaps, deserve, the title of " The Great/' have been discovered 
on other hieroglyphically engraved dibris of ruined palaces and 
temples hard by. Dr. Birch considers that the calendar belongs 
to the time of Thothmes III. ; Viscount de Rouge, to Rameses 
II. In a paper read by the former before the Archaeological 
Society some years ago, he cautiously observed, "If this frag- 
ment is part of the Thothmes III. calendar, it is, of course, a 
fixed point for the Chronology of the 18th Dynasty." Much, 
of course, depends upon the force of the word, "if" This 
hypothetical way of treating a most important subject always 
reminds us of the warning of Shakspeare — 

" If talk'st thou to me of \fs ? Thou art a traitor." 

It too much resembles the mode by which a distinguished 
French author endeavours to alter the current of history : 
" If" says M. Victor Hugo, in his Les MisSrables, " If it had 
not rained on the night of the 17th to the 18th of June, 1815, 
the future of Europe would have been changed. A few drops of 
water, more or less, caused the fall of Napoleon." Between the 
times of Thothmes III. and Rameses II. upwards of two cen- 
turies intervened, the former reigning, according to Manetho, 
early in the seventeenth century b.c, the long reign of the 
latter extending over the greatest part of the fourteenth century. 
The Pharaoh who was on the throne, according to the Tablet of 
Abydos, when the festival of the Dog-star was kept b.c 1477 — 
1474, being, probably, Rameses I., there is no difficulty in 
assigning the calendar to his reign, which will accord with both 
Egyptian and Jewish history, and satisfactorily refute the theo- 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 7 

ries of those who refuse to give credence to the more probable 
testimony of the Pentateuch. 

In endeavouring to point out the harmony which exists 
between Egyptology and the story of the Exodus, as recorded 
in Scripture, the chief element towards a right understanding 
thereof is unquestionably that true " conception of time " called 
chronology, from which, as Plato, in the Timaeus, observes, " we 
have gained that kind of learning termed philosophy, a better 
gift than which never was, nor ever will be, conferred by the 
gods on our mortal race." We have already noticed the exceed- 
ing difference between certain Egyptologers concerning the 
duration of such important epochs as the Rule of the Hycsos 
and the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt. In this respect, 
however, they are only faithful copyists of the ancient Egyptian 
historians themselves; e.g., Manetho, the Sebennyte scribe, for 
whom the lamented Bunsen entertained so boundless an admira- 
tion as to rank him above all the writers of Scripture, if the 
following ascription of praise has any meaning : — 

" Grateful I offer to thee whatever through thee I have learned ; 
Truth have I sought at thy hand, Truth have I found by thy aid."* 

Manetho, according to Lepsius* arrangement of his dynasties, 
places the commencement of the reign of Menes, the proto- 
monarch of Egypt, and the same as Mizraim, the son of Ham, b.c 
3892. Eratosthenes, the other Egyptian authority, according to 
Lepsius, dates the reign of Menes b.c 2900, a slight difference 
between the two of nearly one thousand years. That Eratos- 
thenes is far nearer the truth we may gather from this simple 
incident : Manetho states, as Josephus tells us, that the invasion 
of the Hycsos occurred in the reign of Timseus or Amuntiroseus, 
the last king but one of his twelfth dynasty, and which said king 
he makes the one hundred and tenth from Menes. Eratos- 
thenes places him as the thirty-eighth king from the time of the 
first king, which is in accordance with the Tablet of Abydos, 
the thirty-eighth cartouche in that invaluable register of the 
ancient Pharaohs being filled with the name of Pharaoh-En-I- 
Ma y the equivalent, in Lower Egypt, to Amuntimcms in Upper 
Egypt, or, as he is more commonly known, Amenemes III. 

Nevertheless, Eratosthenes is in excess of Scripture chrono- 
logy, for the commencement of Menes' reign, by several centu- 
ries, and it is our present object to shew, from the monuments 
and the Turin papyrus, that Hebrew and Eygptian chronology 
are in harmony with each other, and not with the fabulous 



* EgypV$ Place in Universal History, ii. f 392. 



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8 Israel in Egypf. [October, 

figures which have been handed down to us by the above-named 
Egyptian historians. The Turin papyrus reads, in a fragment 
marked No. 44, that " three hundred and fifty-seven years had 
elapsed from the time of Menes to the close of the sixth 
dynasty." A tomb of a certain priest, discovered by M. Ma- 
riette, at Sakkarah, near Memphis, proves that, in the order of 
succession of the Pharaohnic dynasties, the sixth is immediately 
followed by the twelfth. An existing tomb at Eilethya, in 
Upper Egypt, belonging to a prince of the time of Pharaoh 
Amosis, the head of the eighteenth dynasty, who bore the rank 
of "Admiral of the Nile," contains a genealogical record of 
much importance in our computation. The names from the 
time of the original founder of the family, in the reign of Pha- 
raoh Acthoes, who preceded Amenemes I., the head of the 
twelfth dynasty, are recorded in regular succession from father to 
son, with the names of their respective wives, through eleven 
descents. A descent, according to Herodotus (ii., 142), who 
gives three to a century, may be computed, on the average, as a 
period of thirty years ; consequently, the eleven descents from 
a time preceding that of Amenemes I. to the reign of Pharaoh 
Amosis, would represent a period of rather more than three 
hundred years, which, together with the three hundred and 
fifty-two years mentioned in the Turin papyrus, would amount 
to about six and a-half centuries from the time of Menes, the 
proto-monarch of Egypt, to the commencement of the eighteenth 
dynasty, when Egyptian history may be considered as determin- 
ately fixed as Roman history is, according to Niebuhr, after the 
irruption of the Gauls. This computation makes the commence- 
ment of the Egyptian kingdom to coincide with the middle of 
the twenty-fourth century B.C., for Dr. Brugsch rightly fixes 
the beginning of the eighteenth dynasty, upon the authority of 
Manetho, as b.c. 1707. 

Let the following deduction shew how far this chronological 
system harmonizes with astronomical science. The historian 
Josephus, who wrote when the records of the Egyptian temples 
were still in existence, relates that Abraham taught the Egyptians 
" arithmetic, and the science of astronomy ; for, before he went 
to Egypt, they were unacquainted with that sort of learning." 
In this, Josephus agrees with Eupolemus, who observes that 
"Abraham was the inventor of astrology and the Chaldsean 
magic, and that, on account of his exalted piety, he was esteemed 
by God." c Assuming these historical notices concerning Abra- 
ham to be tfue, let us see how far they harmonize with the 

r Jos., Antiq., i., riii., 3, and Euseb., Prctp. Evan., % ix. 

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1864.] Israel in tfgypt. 9 

monumental inscriptions of Egypt. It has been stated, and 
after a prolonged investigation of the subject we are inclined to 
believe in its correctness, that there does not exist a single record 
of any Pharaoh or subject, with a date previous to the time of 
Amenemes I. {circa b.c. 200), the head of the twelfth dynasty, 
in whose reign, or during that of his immediate predecessor, 
Abraham's visit must have taken place, according to Scripture 
chronology ; whereas tablets and papyri belonging to his reign, 
and, of course, of all succeeding reigns, with dates inscribed upon 
them, are not uncommon. In the sepulchral grottos of Ben- 
nee-Hasan, in Middle Egypt, there are some hieroglyphic 
inscriptions belonging to the time of the twelfth dynasty, 
wherein special mention is made of the "Panegyry of the first 
year ;" referring, as Poole, in his Horm jEgyptiacce, concludes, 
to the commencement of the Tropical cycle, i. e., a perfectly 
exact cycle of the sun, moon, and vague year, which the science 
of astronomy, according to the careful calculations of Professor 
Airy, made at the Royal Observatory, fixes b.c 2005, and 
directly after that the visit of Abraham, according to Hebrew 
chronology, had taken place. 

It has been assumed by Lepsius that the names of months, 
which are found written with minium on the blocks of 
the great pyramid of Dashoor, shew that the Egyptians had 
some knowledge of seasons and years prior to the time of 
Amenemes I. This argument might be of some force if such 
were found in the pyramids of Gizeh, which were certainly 
built prior to Abraham's visit to Egypt. But it has now been 
pretty well established that the pyramids of Dashoor belong to 
the Hycsos period/ and, consequently, about two centuries later 
than the time of Amenemes I., and four centuries later than the 
pyramids of Gizeh. Moreover, the Great Pyramid, at the latter 
place, which elicited Napoleon's famous address to his soldiers 
when invading Egypt, affords an incidental proof of the harmony 
between Egyptian and Hebrew chronology, and, so far, of the 
truth of both. According to the chronological system deducible 
from the Turin papyrus, the reign of Cheops, the builder of the 
Great Pyramid, must be dated about the middle of the twenty- 
second century b.c, and about a century and a half prior to 
Abraham's visit to Egypt. Sir John Herschel having made a 
calculation of the exact age of that pyramid, based upon the 

4 Hcngstenberg mentions, on the authority of Prokesch t the fact that ** the 
bricks of the great pyramid at DasJwor, are of fine clay from the Nile, mingled 
with chopped straw," and considers this an undesigned coincidence in testimony 
of its application to the tasks which the Egyptians imposed upon the Israelites. 
—Egypt and the Books of Moses, p. 79. 



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10 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

position of the Polar-star at the time of its erection, determined 
the period to fall within the years B.C. 2171 — 2123/ 

Let us see how far this harmonizes with the chronology 
deducible from Scripture. All parties are agreed respecting the 
time of the building of Solomon's temple as a well-known and 
fixed point of history. Mr. Wilson, in his Essay on the National 
Church, says, "The taking of Jerusalem by Shishak (about 
forty years after it was commenced) is for the Hebrew history 
that which the taking of Rome by the Gauls is for the Ro- 
mans."/ Ussher, Clinton, Bunsen, Brugsch, Rawlinson, Hincks^ 
and other eminent chronologers, place that event in the fourth 
year of Solomon, b.c 1014. This may be proved on Gentile 
authority as follows : -Cato, who must have had access to the 
archives of Carthage, and therefore competent to speak of the 
fact, says that the city had stood seven hundred and thirty- 
seven years at the well-known date of its destruction by the 
Romans, b.c 146. Carthage then was founded b.c 146+737 
= b.c 883. The Tyrian records, as reported by Menander, 
state that Carthage was built in the seventh year of Pygmaleon, 
and one hundred and thirty-eight years after the accession of 
Hiram, who aided Solomon in the building of the temple. This 
we know was commenced in the fourth year of the reign of 
Solomon, which synchronizes with the seventh of Hiram. Hence 
b.c 883+138-7 = b.c 1014. 

The Tyrian records afford some assistance in determining 
another fixed point of great importance for understanding the 
chronology of the story of the Exodus, viz. : the exact time 
when the exode of Israel from Egypt took place. Strange to 
say, this authority, so unexceptionable in itself, seems to have 
been entirely overlooked by chronologers, both ancient and 
modern, whose differences as to the time of this memorable epoch 
in Jewish history may be truly termed legion. We read in 1 
Kings vi. 1, that "in the four hundred and eightieth year after 
the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the 
fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, in the month Zif, 
he began to build the house of the Lord." This is the only 
instance which the Bible affords of anything like a recognized 
era, such as the olympiad or Christian eras. Indeed if the 
italicised part of the text were true Scripture, we should have 
conclusive evidence respecting the time of the exode by an au- 
thority which all Biblical critics allow to be authentic. Many 
reasons, however, concur to prove that this passage is an inter- 
polation of the third or fourth century of the Christian era. 

* Nolan's Egyptian Chron., part iii., § 6. 
/ Euay$ ana Bcvicics, p. 170. 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 11 

This may be seen by considering, 1st. It does not agree with 
the summation of years given either in the Old or New Tseta- 
ment for that period. 2nd. None of the Jewish historians, such 
as Demetrius or Josephus ; nor of the Christian, such as Clemens 
Alexandrinus or Julius African us, could have known such a 
passage, for their chronology of that time is essentially different. 
3rd. Origen, the great Bibliopole of the third century, quotes 
the text in his Commentary on St. John without the disputed 
clause, as follows, "They prepared stones and timber three 
years, and in the fourth year of Solomon's reign, in the month 
Zif, he began to build the house of the Lord." Origen assuredly 
would not have omitted the most important clause in the pas- 
sage, had such existed either in Hebrew or Greek in his day. 
The Tyrian records, however, enable us to determine the exact 
interval between the exode and Solomon. Theophilus, bishop 
of Antioch, in the second century, observes, "There is an ac- 
count among the Tyrian archives about the building of the 
temple in Judea, which king Solomon built five hundred and 
sixty-six years after the Jews went out of Egypt."* That The- 
ophilus means this as the chronology of the Tyrians, and not of 
his own, is clear from the fact that he himself computes that 
interval at about five hundred and forty-two years. The book 
of Kings records the close connection existing between the king- 
doms of Israel and Tyre at the time of the building of the temple. 
This naturally accounts for the statement appearing in the 
Tyrian archives respecting the duration of the interval, which 
must have been as well known to the Jews of that period as the 
true date of the Norman conquest would be to any educated 
Englishman in the present day. 

Assuming then that the interval between the exode and the 
building of the temple was exactly five hundred and sixty-six 
years, if we add them to the ascertained date of the fourth year 
of Solomon, viz., b.c 1014, we obtain b.c. 1580 as the true 
date of the exode ; and also a noteworthy synchronism in the 
histories of Israel, Tyre, and Egypt. According to the com- 
putation of Scripture chronology the rise of a " new king over 
Egypt which knew not Joseph" must synchronize with the death 
of the patriarch Levi, the last recorded of " that generation," 
i.e., one hundred aud twenty-six years before the exode, or b.c. 
1706. That this refers to nothing less than the conquest of the 
Hycsos by Pharaoh Amosis, the head of the famous eighteenth 
dynasty, we have abundant evidence to prove ; and as the com- 
mencement of that dynasty, according to Manetho, is placed 

* Theopk. ad Atdolyc, iii. 22. 



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12 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

B.C. 1706, we are warranted in accepting this record of a most 
important event in the history of Egypt, together with the above 
statement in the Tyrian archives, as a confirmation of the his- 
toric truth of the story of the Exodus. 

In tracing the harmony which exists between the few inci- 
dents recorded in Scripture relating to Egypt, and what is dis- 
coverable on the monuments, there is a curious story related of 
Von Bohlen, a distinguished German critic, seeking to invalidate 
the authenticity of the Pentateuch, which represents Pharaoh 
as having bestowed "sheep and oxen" and other gifts upon 
Abraham, on the ground that no sheep then existed in Egypt, 
whereas there happens to be very satisfactory monumental proof 
in confirmation of the Scripture statement. In a tomb near 
Gizeh bearing the name of Cheops, and of an age anterior to 
the visit of Abraham, there is a representation of a shepherd 
counting the flocks committed to his charge. First the oxen 
numbered eight hundred and thirty-four ; then cows, two hun- 
dred and twenty ; goats, three thonsand, two hundred, and 
thirty -four; asses, seven hundred and sixty; sheep, nine hun- 
dred and seventy-four ; which shews the owner to have been 
a proprietor of much wealth, and also affords a striking com- 
mentary upon the account of the treatment which Abraham 
received at the hands of Pharaoh. 

We come now to the consideration of a very important con- 
firmation of the historic truth of the story of the Exodus in a 
quarter where few would expect to find it. Bunsen supposed 
that he had discovered a very happy synchronism between the 
histories of Israel and Egypt by quoting with approbation the 
inscription on a tomb of a governor of a district in Upper Egypt, 
which has been deciphered by Dr. Birch, and which reads as 
follows : — " When in the time of Sesortosis I. the great famine 
prevailed in all the other districts of Egypt, there was corn in 
mine/' 

Bunsen pronounced this to be a "certain and incontro- 
vertible" proof of the existence of the seven years 1 famine, 
which is recorded in Scripture to have taken place during the 
vice-royalty of Joseph. On the other hand, Dr. Rowland Wil- 
liams, notwithstanding his high admiration for everything which 
Bunsen has written, dismisses the learned German's hypothesis 
with something of a sneer, observing, "Bunsen contends that 
Abraham's horizon in Asia is antecedent to the first Median 
conquest of Babylon in 2234. A famine, conveniently men- 
tioned under the twelfth dynasty of Egypt, completes his proof."* 

* E$$ayt and Reviews, pp. 57, 58. 



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1 8G4.] Israel in Egypt. 1 3 

While lamenting the spirit in which Dr. Williams appears 
to notice this brilliant discovery of Dr. Birch, we may enquire 
how far this "conveniently mentioned" famine is indeed a proof 
of the existence of the Israelites in Egypt at that time, and of 
its referring to the seven years' famine predicted by Joseph. 
We observe that the hieroglyphic record specifies that the famine 
in the time of Sesortosis I. did not extend to a certain district 
in Upper Egypt, though prevailing in all other parts of the 
country. The account given by Moses of the famine which 
occurred in Egypt in the time of Joseph, is as follows : " And 
the seven years of dearth began to come as Joseph had said : 
and the dearth was in all lands ; but in all the land of Egypt 
there was bread. And the famine was over all the face of the 
earth. And all countries came into Egypt to Joseph for to buy 
corn ; because that the famine was so sore in all lands" No 
two records can be more unlike, and it is surprising that so acute 
a reasoner as Bunsen should have supposed any reference in the 
one to the other. It affords, however, the usual specimen of 
how easily some will jump at a hasty conclusion in support of a 
favourite theory. For without laying undue stress upon the 
fact that the reign of Sesortosis I., or Sesertesen as Egyptolo- 
gers now write the name, preceded the time of Joseph by about 
one hundred years (Bunsen says one thousand two hundred), or 
that Lower Egypt was the locality where the corn had been care- 
fully preserved by Joseph's orders for the use of the people, in- 
stead of there being corn in a district of Upper Egypt, as was 
the case in the time of the great famine to which the hiero- 
glyphic inscription refers, it is clear from the book of Genesis 
that the seven years' famine was universal, not merely in Upper 
Egypt, but throughout Asia and Africa, and indeed wherever 
man was to be found. 

Now the authentic history of a country at the extremity of 
Asia appears to confirm the fact of this famine in Egypt, both in 
respect to the time when it occurred and the length it lasted. 
We read in the annals of the Chinese empire, that " in the be- 
ginning of the reign of Ching-tang, the first emperor of the 
second dynasty, there happened a drought and famine all over the 
empire which lasted seven years, during which time no rain fell."* 
According to the Hebrew chronology the seven years' famine in 
Egypt occurred b.c 1796 — 1789. According to the Chinese 
chronology, as determined by Couplet and Martinius, the reign 
of Ching-tang commenced b.c. 1771, and consequently if these 
two modes of computation be rigidly exact, the seven years' 

* History of China from Martinius, Couplet and du Halde, as collected in 
Jackson's Chronological Antiq., ii., 455. 



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14 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

famine in Egypt could not have been the same as that one of 
equal duration recorded in the annals of China. But inasmuch 
as an epoch in Hebrew chronology, viz., the interval between 
the exode and the building of the temple, is in a measure con- 
jectural so far as Scripture is concerned, we are not able to 
affirm positively that the famine in Egypt occurred at the date 
to which our computation assigns it. Further, we are less 
assured of the exact date of the reign of Ching-tang, at the 
commencement of which the Chinese annals assign the seven 
years' famine in that country, for this reason. The emperor 
Ching-tang was the founder of the second dynasty, and appears 
to have waged war with, and eventually to have conquered, his 
rival Kie the seventeenth, and last emperor of the first dynasty. 
The latter is represented as having reigned fifty-two years, and 
to have been the greatest monster of vice and cruelty that ever 
reigned in China. His cruelties are said to have commenced in 
the ninteeenth year of his reign, and to have caused the princes 
of the empire, headed by Ching-tang of the blood-royal, to rise 
in rebellion against him. The confusion arising out of this 
civil war makes it less clear than it otherwise would be, when to 
date the beginning of the reign of Ching-tang. The reigns of 
these two emperors extended over a period of sixty-five years, 
b.c. 1723 — 1758, during which time a seven years' famine 
occurred, according to the Chinese annals, throughout the vast 
empire. And this sufficiently agrees with the Hebrew chrono- 
logy to warrant our referring it to the seven years' famine, which 
is said in Genesis to have desolated Egypt, and to have extended 
" over all the face of the earth." 

The Pharaoh to whom Joseph became prime minister, 
affords another indication of the credibility and veracity of the 
story of the Exodus as related in Scripture. " All persons," 
says Syncellus, " are agreed that Joseph was in power in the 
reign of Apophis." Believing Bunsen non obstante, that this 
is as susceptible of proof, as that Daniel was made " the third'" 

i Why was not Daniel made the second ruler in Babylon, as Joseph had been 
in Egypt, in place of the third f The answer to this is one of many instances 
in which the credibility of Scripture history has been confirmed by the cuneiform 
inscriptions. It has hitherto been impossible to reconcile the conflicting accounts 
of Daniel and Berosus, the Chaldssan historian, respecting the last of the kings 
of Babylon, as the former records his death at the time of the capture of the 
city, while the other states, that when ** Cyrus took Babylon, he found not 
Nabonnedus the king, as he had previously fled to the city or fortress of 
Borsippa, which Cyrus subsequently captured, when he treated the king with 
kindness, providing him with an establishment in Carmania, where he spent the 
remainder of his life." Sir H. Rawlinson has recently deciphered a cuneiform 
inscription, which relates that the king Nabonnedus had admitted his son Bel- 
shar-ezar into partnership with him in trie empire. This enables us to reconcile 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 15 

ruler" in the kingdom of Babylon on the night that Belshazzar 
was slain, or that Sejanus ruled Rome in the name of Tiberius, 
or that Charles Martel was major of the palace under Childeric, 
king of France, we are warranted in making use of this well- 
attested tradition in confirmation of the credibility of the story 
of the Exodus as set forth in the Pentateuch. Josephus places 
Apophis the fourth of the six Hycsos or shepherd-kings who 
reigned in Lower Egypt. Africanus ranks him as the last. 
Eusebius limits the dynasty to four kings, and calls Apophis 
the third, whereas Syncellus reverses the order, and makes him 
the last of the dynasty. Monumental evidence, however, 
enables us to decide positively thus much ; viz., that Salatis con- 
quered Amenemes III., and became the head of the Hycsos 
dynasty ; that Apophis was the most distinguished of the race, 
both on account of the great length of his reign, and also as 
being the patron of Joseph ; and that Assa, the last of the 
dynasty, was conquered in his turn by Amosis the head of the 
famous eighteenth dynasty, after the shepherd-kings had held 
possession of the country about the space of one hundred years. 
The question arises, could two succeeding sovereigns, which is all 
that the tablet of Abydos allows as contemporary Pharaohs in 
Upper Egypt, during the rule of the shepherd-kings in Lower 
Egypt, convey the throne down through so long a period as a 
century ? We have no hesitation in replying affirmatively, as we 
have an instance of a similar occurrence in the history of 
France for a longer period. Louis XIV. commenced his reign 
a.d. 1643, and his successor Louis XV. died a.d. 1774, conse- 
quently these two carried the throne down a period of one 
hundred and thirty-one years. We do not deny that there were 
other contemporary sovereigns reigning over parts of Egypt 
during this period, besides the two mentioned in the tablet. 
Indeed, Manetho speaks of " the kings of Thebais" as uniting 
to expel the shepherd dynasty, and a papyrus of that age proves 
that there were other Pharaohs besides those whose names were 
recorded at Abydos, who were evidently contemporary kings, 
just as there were in England during the heptarchy. An hiero- 
glyphical stele, recently discovered at Barkal, the contents of 
which were announced by the Vicomte de Rouge in the Revue 
Archceologique for August, 1863, speaks of five Pharaohs reign- 
Daniel and Berosus at once. Nabonnedus escaped to Borsippa before the final 
catastrophe; and Belshazzar was reigning in Babylon when the city was 
captured. Hence the father would naturally be reckoned the first ruler ; the 
son, the second; and Daniel, the third. This is an undesigned coincidence as 
to the accuracy and authenticity of the Book of Daniel, which some in the 
present day would do well to consider. 



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] 6 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

ing together in the eighth century B.C., besides as many inde- 
pendent chieftains claiming rank as kings. 

We may assume, therefore, that the tradition of the Greeks 
respecting Apophis the shepherd-king having been the patron of 
Joseph is based upon historic truth. A passage in Genesis, 
which has frequently been a stumbling-block to commentators, 
appears to confirm this view. We read in Scripture, that when 
Joseph was about to introduce his brethren to Pharaoh, he 
prompted them to avow that they were shepherds. " It shall 
come to pass when Pharaoh shall say, What is your occupa- 
tion ? that ye shall say, Thy servants' trade hath been about 
cattle from our youth even until now, both we and also our 
fathers : that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen : for every 
shepherd is an abomination unto the Egyptians." It is impossible 
to explain this advice on the part of Joseph to his brethren 
otherwise than by concluding that a shepherd dynasty was then 
reigning in Lower Egypt; for although the final clause, as 
translated in our Authorized Version, seems to imply the con- 
trary, an attentive consideration of the original shews that it is 
not so. The Hebrew word rawi undoubtedly means " abomina- 
tion" as it is here rendered, yet of the ninety passages in which 
it occurs in the Old Testament, it far more frequently signifies 
" idols," or objects of worship, which was necessarily " abomi- 
nation" in the sight of Jehovah. Thus in 2 Kings xxiii. 13, the 
idolatry of the children of Ammon is described by the same 
word and translated " abomination." Further, if we take the 
unpointed Hebrew for our guide, the words jhs rm rendered 
" shepherd" means likewise " consecrated goats," so that the 
passage may be correctly translated — "every consecrated goat is 
an idol or object of worship with the Egyptians." Manetho 
bears witness that such was the case, for long before the time of 
the shepherd dynasty, he says, " the bulls Apis in Memphis, 
and Mnevis in Heliopolis, and the Mendesian goat, were ap- 
pointed to be gods."* 

If, therefore, we are warranted in concluding that Joseph 
was in power during the rule of the shepherd dynasty, another 
passage in Scripture points clearly to Apophis as being the 
reigning Pharaoh at that time. When Joseph had satisfactorily 
interpreted the king's dream, which the Egyptian magi were 
unable to do, " Pharaoh said unto his servants, Can we find 
such an one as this is, a man in whom the Spirit of God is ? 
And Pharaoh said unto Joseph, Forasmuch as God hath 
shewed thee all this . . . according unto thy Word shall all my 

* Euseb., Chron. Can. Lib. Prior, cap. xx. 



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1 86 i.] Israel in Egypt. 1 7 

people be ruled : only in the throne will I be greater than 
thou." 

Here we have a recognition on the part of a heathen king of 
the God of Joseph, the only true God, as distinct from the idols 
of Egypt. A papyrus in the British Museum known as Sallier 
No. 1, confirms the opinion that Pharaoh Apophis for some 
cause or other was not a worshipper of the usual Egyptian gods. 
This papyrus, which is supposed to belong to the nineteenth 
dynasty, and therefore to be three or four centuries later 
than the time of which the fragment treats, reads as fol- 
lows : — 

" It came to pass, when the land of Egypt was held by the 
invaders, when Skenenra was ruler of the south, Pharaoh 
Apophis was in his palace of Avaris. The whole land paid him 
homage both with their manufactures in abundance, as well as 
with all precious things of the north. Now Pharaoh Apophis 
had set up Soutech for his lord ; he worshipped no other god in 
the whole land. He erected in his honour a temple of durable 
workmanship. While Apophis was celebrating the dedication of 
his temple to Soutech, the Prince of the South prepared to build 
a temple to the sun in opposition/' 

This singular fact of Pharaoh Apophis being devoted to the 
worship of Soutech is confirmed by a short hieroglyphic inscrip- 
tion. A granite statue of Pharaoh Ramcses II. of the same 
age as the above quoted papyrus, has upon its right shoulder 
the two names, enclosed in the usual cartouches, of Pharaoh 
Apophis, accompanied by the title "Worshipper of the God 
Soutech." Hence Brugsch justly observes, " The mention of 
this god in combination with the shepherd-king proves most 
clearly what is stated in the papyrus concerning Apophis being 
specially devoted to the worship of this god to the exclusion of 
all the other deities of the whole country." 

Now who was this Soutech whom Pharaoh Apophis exclu- 
sively worshipped ? Dr. Birch considers that the name Soutech, 
according to our mode of reading the hieratic characters of the 
papyri as well as the hieroglyphics of the monuments, means 
simply "God, the true God, the one only God as distinct 
from all other heathen deities." Believing this to be a true 
explanation of the term, we see in this remarkable incident 
a striking confirmation of the story of the Exodus as recorded 
in Genesis ; and can understand what is meant, when we read 
of a Pharaoh Manepthah worshipping together with other 
Egyptian deities "the God Soutech of Avaris," which sig- 
nified none other than " Jehovah the God of the city of the 
Hebrews." 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. C 



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18 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

Accepting Ewald's definition that " A vans " l philologically 
means " the city of the Hebrews," and referring it with Sir 
Gardner Wilkinson to Heliopolis, " the abode of the sun," as its 
hieroglyphic equivalent signifies, we can see, in the mention of 
Pharaoh having bestowed on Joseph "the daughter of Poti- 
pherah, priest of On/* i.e., priest or prince of Heliopolis, 
according to the Septuagint, an incidental proof that the author 
of the Pentateuch must have been living in Egypt, and well 
acquainted both with its topography and history ; for had he 
been living, as some critics in the present day conclude, about 
five centuries later than the time of Moses, he would have laid 
the scene of Joseph's triumphs at Thebes (the capital of Upper 
Egypt in the time of Samuel) in place of Heliopolis, or Avaris, 
the chief city of the shepherd-kings. / Moreover, the very fact 
of no mention whatever of Thebes, the renowned capital of 
Upper Egypt, as early as the twelfth dynasty, in Scripture, is a 
negative proof that Joseph was chief minister to one of the 
shepherd-kings, whose residence during the whole of their rule 
was assuredly in Lower Egypt. 

As the fact of Pharaoh Apophis being a worshipper of a 
deity whom we believe to be the god of the Hebrews, supports 
the general tradition of the Greeks that he was Joseph's patron, 
so an incident in the time of Pharaoh Assa, the last of the 
shepherd-kings previous to their expulsion by Pharaoh Amosis, 
adds additional confirmation to this opinion. According to 
Scripture chronology and history, "Joseph died, being one 
hundred and ten years old when they embalmed him, and placed 
him in a coffin in Egypt," before the rise of the " new king or 
dynasty which knew not Joseph;" and which must therefore 
have been during the reign of Pharaoh Assa. In the Biblio- 
t he que Imperiale at Paris, there is a papyrus brought by M. 
Prisse d* A venues from Egypt about twenty years ago, which 
was written, as the internal evidence shews, in the time of that 
same Pharaoh. It must have been written before the birth of 
Moses, and is most probably the oldest MS. in the world. The 
Rev. D. Heath in England, and M. Chabas in France, have 
both attempted translations of this valuable record. We quote 
from the translation of the latter, as being the most satisfactory 
of the two, though on the chief point of importance there is no 
difference between them. 

M. Chabas reads the passage in question as follows : — 

1 M. De Rouge* considers that Avaris and Zoan are the same, and that the 
Hebrew pre, " he moved tents," is equivalent to the Egyptian Ha- War, " the 
place of departure."— Bevue Archaologupte, 1861, p. 250. 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 19 

" C'est ainsi que j'acquis pont toi sante da corps et paix da 
roi en toutes circonstances, et que tu parcoureras des annees de 
vie sans faussete. Tai parcouru 110 ans de vie par le don du 
roi et l'approbation des anciens, en remplissant mon devoir 
envers le roi dans le lieu de sa faveur." 

There is in the British Museum an inscription in the hieratic 
character, dated the twenty-first year of the reign of Pharaoh 
Amenophis III., i. e., circa one hundred and fifty years after the 
time of Assa, in which certain benefactions are promised to the 
recipients of the royal favour, "during the days when they 
shall repose in the place of the departed after one hundred and 
ten years" A funeral inscription at the same place relating to 
a functuary named Raka, under the nineteenth or succeeding 
dynasty, reads thus — " Adoration to Osiris, worship to Onno- 
phris, who granted me repose in the tomb after one hundred and 
ten years upon earths Two papyri likewise in the British 
Museum, named respectively Anastasi 3 and 4, and referring to 
the times of the nineteenth dynasty, contain the following ex- 
pressions — " Thou approachest the place of the departed with- 
out growing old, without being feebte; thou completest one 
hundred and ten years upon earth, thy limbs being still vigorous" 
. . . " Thou completest one hundred and ten years upon earth, 
and thou reposest on the brow of the hill." 

These various inscriptions, which extend over a period of 
four centuries, seem to indicate that the expression " one hun- 
dred and ten years " was proverbial amongst the ancient Egyp- 
tians of the extreme of human longevity. Considering that this 
can be traced up to the time of a certain Pharaoh in whose 
reign Joseph died, and remembering the great benefactor which 
the patriarch had been to the nation according to Mosaic his- 
tory, and which would naturally lead the Egyptians to retain a 
fond recollection of the years of his life, so as subsequently to 
give rise to a proverb amongst them regarding it, we may accept 
this as a strong confirmation of the historic truth of what has 
been denied by some, viz., the age attributed to him in Genesis, 
where it is said, as we have already noticed, that he died when 
he had attained the age of one hundred and ten. 

Bunsen having decided that "the one hundred and ten 
years of Joseph could not be historical," has selected " seventy- 
eight " as the correct age of the patriarch according to his own 
view of the way in which Scripture history ought to have been 
written."* There are, however, notwithstanding all that has been 
6aid to the contrary, well authenticated instances of persons in 

m Egypt's Place in Univ. Hist., iv., iii. v g 1. 

C2 



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20 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

modern days who have attained a greater age than that of the 
patriarch Joseph. There is the well-established case of the 
Countess of Desmond, who danced with Richard of Gloucester 
in the reign of Edward IV., lived all through the Tudor dynasty, 
and visited the court of James I. with a view to get the attainder 
of her deceased husband repealed, dying at the age of one hun- 
dred and forty. The churchyard of Ware, in Herts, is said to 
contain a tomb thus inscribed : — " In memory of William 
Mede, M.D., who departed this life the 28th of October, 1852, 
aged one hundred and forty-eight years, nine months, three 
weeks, and four days." The Sydney Empire newspaper of this 
year, mentions that there are now living at Marulan in that 
colony, a man and his wife, aged respectively one hundred and 
eleven and one hundred and seven years. They are extremely 
feeble, but in possession of both sight and hearing. Such are 
some of the modern cases of longevity, and it surely does not 
require any great stretch of faith to believe that Joseph attained 
the age of one hundred and ten, when the average duration of 
life in that age was probably higher than it is now. 

With the death of Joseph and his brethren, and all that 
generation, the affliction of the Israelites may be said to have 
commenced. The Scripture record is very decisive on this 
point : " Now there arose up a new king over Egypt, which 
knew not Joseph. And he said unto his people, Behold, the 
people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we : 
let us deal wisely with them, and so get them out of the land. 
Therefore they set over them task-masters, to afflict them with 
their burdens. And they built for Pharaoh treasure-cities, 
Pithom and Raamses." Admitting that Joseph and his brethren 
were befriended by the Hycsos or shepherd kings, it was natural 
that the new dynasty which expelled them should treat the 
Israelites in a very different manner from that which they had 
previously experienced. The agreement, therefore, between 
Jewish and Egyptian history" is very striking, when Amosis the 
head of the famous eighteenth dynasty had succeeded in expel- 
ling the Hycsos, his first step was to inflict heavy burdens upon 
a class of his subjects of whom he was naturally apprehensive, 
by compelling them to build treasure-cities or rather fortresses 
called Pithom and Raamses, or Rameses. The first of these 
names presents no difficulty. By universal admission it has 
been identified with the Patamos mentioned by Herodotus. 
Rameses, however, has been considered a difficulty, inasmuch as 

" It is equally so in chronology, as Scripture and the lists of Manetho alike 
date the rise of the eighteenth dynasty, which " knew not Joseph," B.C. 1707. 
See Dr. Brugsch's Hist. <P Egypt. 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 21 

the first Pharaoh of that name belongs to a period subsequent 
to the Exodus of the Israelites. The name, however, unques- 
tionably appears in Egyptian history at this very period. For 
the husband of queen Aah-hotep (memorials from the tomb of 
this sovereign were exhibited at the International Exhibition of 
1862, by M. Marie tte), and father of Pharaoh Amosis bore the 
name of Raames, and the son of this Amosis was called Rameses. 
Nothing can be more likely than that one of the " treasure- 
cities/' built by the enslaved Israelites, should be called after the 
prince royal of the reigning Pharaoh. The word itself signifies 
Son of the sun, and had an undoubted connection with Helio- 
polis the city of the sun, which was not far from Goshen, or the 
Delta of the Nile, where the Israelites received their first settle- 
ment, when " the best of the land" was given them by Pharaoh's 
command, and which subsequently bore the name of the " land 
of Rameses," when Moses lived and wrote. 

The son and successor of Amosis is known as Chebron- 
Amenophis I., and in the Alexandrian chronicle, the Pharaoh 
under whom Moses was brought up after having been preserved 
by his daughter, is called Kenebron or Chebron. It is not quite 
certain whether this princess called Amense by Manetho, and 
read Set-Amen on the monuments, was the daughter or sister of 
Chebron ; but what is of much more importance for confirming 
the story of the Exodus is that there was a queen regnant for 
some years at that period of Egyptian history, who had sufficient 
authority to compel a jealous priesthood to train her adopted 
child Moses in all the mysteries of the national religion, as 
well as to be able to offer him the succession to her throne as 
Scripture represents. Moreover, we have monumental evidence 
that this queen during her life bore the title which is exclusively 
applied to her in the Book of Exodus. On an obelisk erected 
by herself at Thebes, and which is one of the most splendid 
monuments of that mighty necropolis, she bears amongst other 
titles such as " royal wife," " lady of both countries," " great 
royal sister," the significant one of " Pharaoh's daughter" Al- 
though Moses refused to be called "the son of Pharaoh's 
daughter," his position in the court of the sovereign during the 
earlier part of his life previous to his retiring to Midian, would 
naturally account for his Being " mighty in words and deeds," 
as Stephen in his address to the rulers at Jerusalem terms him, 
and may serve to explain the story, which Joseph us and Irenseus 
relate, of his fame as general of the Egyptian army in the war 
against Ethiopia, as well as to account for the statement in 

RoBellini, Mon. 8tor. f t. iii., pt. 1, p. 158. 



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22 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

the Book of Numbers that " Moses married an Ethiopian wo- 
man/' 

At the village of Gournon, near Thebes, there still exists the 
tomb of a prince whose name in hieroglyphics reads Ros-she-ra. 
He appears to have belonged to the court of Thothmes III., the 
Pharaoh who eventually obtained the throne which Moses had 
refused. The paintings on this tomb, which are given with 
extreme accuracy in Lepsius* DenkmUler, afford indisputable 
proof not only of the Israelites having been in Egypt at this 
period of history, but of having been forcibly engaged in the 
very occupation to which they were compelled by the jealousy of 
that dynasty " which knew not Joseph." An inscription on the 
tomb reads — " The reception of the tribute of the land brought 
to the king by the captives in person ;" which accords with what 
Manetho says so far as the confusion, which Josephus makes in 
mixing up the Hycsos with the Israelites, will allow. Josephus 
quotes Manetho as observing — " That the nation called shepherds 
were also captives in their sacred books," to which Josephus 
adds, " and not without a reason, since one of our ancestors, 
viz., Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive." 
The captives who are pictured on the tomb of Ros-she-ra are 
engaged in the occupation of making bricks, and carefully over- 
looked by Egyptian taskmasters. Some of them possess the 
unmistakeable features of the Jewish people, which are so clearly 
depicted as to leave little room for doubt, but that this tomb 
presents a very striking commentary upon the affliction of the 
Israelites. Heeren in his Gott. Anz., observes concerning it — 
"If this painting represents the servitude of the children of 
Israel, it is equally important for exegesis and chronology. For 
exegesis, because it would be a strong proof of the great anti- 
quity of the Mosaic writings, ahd especially of the Book of the 
Exodus, which in chapters one and five gives a description that 
applies most accurately to this painting, even in unimportant 
particulars. For chronology, since it belongs to the eighteenth 
dynasty under the dominion of Thothmes III., and would there- 
fore give a fixed point both for profane and sacred history ." 

The hieroglyphic inscriptions belonging to the two following 
reigns of Amenophis II. and Thothmes IV. throw but little 
light on the story of the Exodus. Rosellini mentions that " the 
bricks which are now found in Egypt belonging to the period of 
Thothmes IV. have always straw mingled with them," which 
fact, though it proves nothing, is only what we expect from the 
narrative in the Pentateuch. It is certain from the monuments 
that the reign of Thothmes IV. was a brief one, which agrees 
with what is related of Moses' return from Midian to Egypt on 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 23 

the death of one of the persecuting Pharaohs, and the subse- 
quent deliverance of the Israelites from bondage not long after. 
Much confusion appears in the historical records of this parti- 
cular period. Sir Gardner Wilkinson entertained at one time 
the opinion that Amenophis III., the undoubted successor of 
Thothmes IV., had an elder brother. The presumption, how- 
ever, which appears most probable, is that he was of a different 
race altogether from that of his predecessor; which may be 
accounted for on the supposition that Thothmes IV. was indeed 
the Pharaoh who lost his life in the Red Sea; as it would accord 
with the statement in Exodus, "that at midnight the Lord 
smote all the first-born in the land of Egypt, from the first-born 
of Pharaoh that sat on his throne unto the first-born of the 
captive that was in the dungeon." That Thothmes IV. was the 
Pharaoh of the Exode seems to be confirmed by the fact that, 
after all the careful researches of the moderns, no trace has been 
found of this king's tomb in the royal burial-place, near Thebes 
where the sovereigns of the eighteenth dynasty are deposited, 
though the tomb of his successor has been discovered in a valley 
adjoining the cemetery of the other kings. 

Some Egyptologists have identified Thothmes IV. with 
Armais of the same dynasty, who is said by Manetho to have 
reigned five years before he was expelled from Egypt by his 
brother, and to have fled to Greece, where he founded the city 
of Argos. This tradition respecting the early colonization of 
Greece from Egypt, is as near the truth as Herodotus's (ii. 142) 
version of the destruction of Sennacherib's host which he re- 
ceived from the Egyptian priests, and we may understand it as 
confirming the account in Exodus of the overthrow of Pharaoh 
and his host in the Red Sea. We have the very highest 
authority for placing the commencement of the kingdom of 
Greece, which was colonized from Egypt, at the same period 
which the Hebrew chronology gives for the date of the Exodus, 
viz., b.c. 1580. The Arundellian marbles, which were engraved at 
Paros b.c 264, open with this announcement : " Since Cecrops 
reigned at Athens, and the country was called Actica, from 
Actseus the native, one thousand three hundred and eighteen 
years have elapsed."* Now 1318+264=b.c 1582. 

This conclusion is further confirmed by the general opinion 
respecting the time of the Exode. Clemens Alexandrinus spe- 
cifies that it was " three hundred and forty-five years before the 
beginning of the Sothaic period." This is known to have been 

p Marmora Arunddliana, p. 6 ; Selden's edition : London, 1628. This is one 
of the few inscriptions which was uninjured when Selden lived and published 
his work. 



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24 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

an Egyptian cycle of one thousand four hundred and sixty years ; 
and upon the testimony of Censorinus, who was contemporary 
with one such period, to have happened respectively in the years 
a.d. 139 and b.c. 1322. Now b.c. 1322 + 345 = b.c. 1667, when 
according to the Greeks the Exode was supposed to have oc- 
curred. But this date clearly proves that the Greeks con- 
founded, as we have before noticed was the case with Josephus, 
the expulsion of the Hycsos, commenced by Amosis and com- 
pleted by Thothmes III., with the Exodus of Israel. It was 
natural that the Greeks should make this confusion on account 
of the way in which Manetho, the national historian, records 
that event. He says that, " the shepherds were subdued by a 
king named Alisphragmuthosis (Amosis), and driven out of other 
parts of Egypt, and shut up in a place containing ten thousand 
acres called Avaris, where they were subsequently besieged by 
Thothmes, the son (or descendant) of Alisphragmuthosis, with 
four hundred and eighty thousand men, and that in despair of 
success he compounded with them to quit Egypt with their 
families and their goods. On which they departed not fewer in 
number than two hundred and forty thousand, and took their 
journey from Egypt through the wilderness for Syria, where 
they built a city, and named it Jerusalem, in a country now 
called Judcea. ... It was also reported that the priest who 
ordained their government and their laws was by birth of Helio- 
polis, and his name Osarsiph from Osyris, who was the god of 
Heliopolis ; but that when he was gone over to these people his 
name was changed, and he was called Moses"* That Manetho 
confounded the two events, viz., the expulsion of the Hycsos by 
Thothmes III., b.c 1667, and the Exodus of the Israelites in 
the time of Thothmes IV., b.c 1580 is very evident; but what 
little he says on the subject, according to the fragments of his 
history which remain, confirms in some degree the account re- 
corded in Scripture of the Exode. 

Moreover, the opinion that Thothmes IV. was the Pharaoh 
who was lost with his army in the Red Sea, is supported by the 
historical fact that a very remarkable change in the national 
religion of Egypt occurred during the reign of his immediate 
successor Amenophis III. This we might naturally expect from 
the failure of the Egyptian priesthood to ward off the heavy 
judgments with which their country had been recently visited 
by the God of Israel, and which must have been patent to the 
nation at large. Dr. Birch informs us that "in the reign of 
Amenophis III. the worship of the Aten or Aten-ra, the sun's 



* Manetho apud Joseph us contr. A pi on 1., § 14, 26. 



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1864.] Israel in Egypt. 25 

disk or orb first appears. This name, which resembles that of 
the Hebrew jrm, Adonai or Lord, and the Syrian Adonis appears 
to have been either a foreign religion introduced into Egypt, or 
else a part of the sun worship, which bad assumed an undue 
influence or development." 1. Further, Sir Gardner Wilkinson 
considers that, " though Amenophis III. calls himself the son of 
Thothmes IV. there is reason to believe that he was not of pure 
Egyptian race. His features differ very much from those of 
other Pharaohs ; and the respect paid to him by some of the 
' stranger kings ' seems to confirm this, and to argue that he was 
partly of the same race as those kings who afterwards usurped 
the throne, and made their name and rule so odious to the 
Egyptians."* This conclusion is perfectly reconciliable with the 
fact that the eldest son of the Pharaoh, who was drowned in the 
Bed Sea, did not succeed his father on the throne. 

Considering that the Hebrew chronology of this period agrees 
with the Tyrian annals as regards the time of the Exode, and 
with the Egyptian chronology given by Manetho in respect to 
the rise of that famous dynasty "which knew not Joseph;" that 
the tablet of Abydos in our National Museum affords us an 
authentic register of the successive Pharaohs from the time of 
Abraham to Moses ; that the objection which has been made 
against the credibility of Genesis in consequence of sheep being 
said to have existed in very early times in Egypt, has been set 
aside by monumental proof to the contrary ; that the idea pro- 
mulgated by ancient historians of Abraham having taught the 
Egyptians astronomy, is very probable from the fact of no signs 
of any measure of time having been discovered previous to his 
visit to the country, and of their being subsequently found in 
great abundance ; that the account of the seven years' famine 
" in all lands," during the vice-royalty of Joseph in Egypt, is 
confirmed by the record in the Chinese annals of a famine of 
similar duration at the same period ; that the tradition current 
amongst the Greeks that Joseph's Pharaoh was named Apophis, 
agrees very well with the incidental notices in the story of the 
Exodus respecting him, and especially with the proof both from 
the papyri and the monuments, that he rejected the idols of 
Egypt for the exclusive worship of Soutech, whom there is reason 
to believe means none other than the " God of Israel ;" that a 
common proverb amongst the Egyptians representing extreme 
old age by the term "one hundred and ten years" can be traced 
back through several centuries to the time of that Pharaoh in 
whose reign Joseph died, according to Hebrew chronology ; that 

r Archaeological Journal, vol. viii., p. 405. 

' Bawlinson'i Herod, app. to book ii., c. viii., $ 21. 

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26 Israel in Egypt. [October, 

the expression " every shepherd is an abomination with the 
Egyptians " is in reality an incidental proof that a shepherd 
dynasty was reigning in Egypt, when Pharaoh allotted the best 
of the land to the pastoral family of Jacob and his children ; 
that the conquest of the shepherd- kings by Pharaoh Amosis, 
the head of the eighteenth dynasty, synchronizes perfectly ac- 
cording to Egyptian chronology with the rise of that king who 
" knew not Joseph ;" that, as this Pharaoh had a son named 
Rameses, it is more than probable that one of the " treasure 
cities," which he compelled the Israelites to build, should be 
called after his son's name ; that a queen regnant is found in 
Egyptian history within half a century of the last named event, 
who bears on an existing monument at Thebes the significant 
title of " Pharaoh' 8 daughter;" that a tomb at the same place 
of the time of her immediate successor has a pictorial represen- 
tation of the Jews engaged in making bricks with Egyptian task- 
masters standing over them ; that no tomb has been discovered 
of Pharaoh Thothmes IV., whose reign was certainly a brief one, 
and who, it has been supposed, was the Pharaoh drowned in the 
Red Sea ; that this sovereign was not succeeded by his eldest 
son, which agrees with the Scripture narrative respecting the 
destruction of the " first-born in the land of Egypt, from the 
first-born of Pharaoh that sat on his throne unto the first-born 
of the captive that was in the dungeon ;" and, lastly, that during 
the reign of his immediate successor Amenophis III, a very 
marked change took place in the national religion of Egypt. 
Considering all these, and various other incidents of a similar 
nature, we may fairly conclude that their united testimony 
affords some confirmation for the credibility and veracity of the 
story of the Israelites in Egypt as detailed at length in the sacred 
oracles of God. B. W. Savile. 



" The Word of God, even God himselfe, by whome the worlde was made, 
Eternall is, and gnideth right, all thinges in happie trade. 
This Worde of strength, of life, and grace, whose heavenly ioyes excell, 
Came downe to earth, It tooke our fleshc, to save our soules from hell. 
This worde most true, al pure and cleane, from good men may not slide. 
For it as light, and life of soule, with them must still abide. 
Wey not the willes of wicked wights, which laughe this Word to scorne, 
Them it wil waste, and soone confound, as damned and forlorn." 

Tliomas Palfreyman, 1578. 



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1864.] ( 27 ) 



THE TREE OF LIFE. 

From the German op Dr. Piper. 

(Continued from Vol. IV., p. 393.) 

II. The application of the tree of life to the person of Christ. 
— 1. On the human appearance of Christ upon earth, the tree 
of life, as applied to Him, is never mentioned in the Oospel. 
And this is certainly not without design : not only to avoid a 
misconception in regard to paradise, but also because a dif- 
ference of position and of purpose came in for consideration, 
for the tree of life has its place before the beginning of sin, and 
after its abolition, whereas Christ enters midway between these 
into the sinful world. At the same time the New Testament 
contains manifold allusions and figures, out of which a parallel 
between the two evidently arises. 

For, so far as life is concerned, Christ calls himself " the 
Life" (John xi. 25; xiv. 6). He is commended by Peter as 
" the Prince of Life" (Acts iii. 15) ; and by Paul he is called 
"our Life" (Col. iii. 4). And so far as the tree is concerned, 
the Messiah is called a " Branch" and a " Root of Jesse" 
(Isaiah xl. 1, 10) ; a righteous branch of David (Jer. xxiii. v. ; 
xxxiii. 15) ; the Branch, by Zechariah (iii. 8 ; vi. 12) ; and in 
the more extended representation of Ezekiel (xvii. 22, 23), a 
tender twig planted upon a high mountain and eminent, which 
shall grow to a goodly cedar under which shall dwell all fowl of 
every wing. Christ moreover, calls himself the True Vine, and 
his people the branches (John xv. 1 — 5). 

In this connection, when we compare and consider that 
Christ is " the bread of life" (John vi. 35, 48), which, when 
eaten of takes away all hunger and gives eternal life (v. 35, 58), 
and that he has living water (iv. 10, 11) which quenches all 
thirst, and is a well of water springing up into everlasting life 
(ver. 14, 7, 38) ; — that he is himself life, as well as the vine, in 
which his people abiding, have life and bear fruit, we can have 
no difficulty in recognizing in him the tree of life, and all the 
more that that " wisdom," which in him visibly appeared in the 
flesh, is called in the Old Testament a tree of life (Prov. 
iii. 18). 

2. In the Church, too, from the first the tree of life has had 
this application. Justin Martyr declares it to be a symbol of 
him who after he has been crucified shall again appear in glory. 
Origen draws from the tree planted by the water courses (Psalm 
i. 3) a reference to Christ, while its unfading leaves are his 



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28 % The Tree of Life. [October, 

words, recognizing in Him a tree of life, since He is the wisdom 
and she is a tree of life to all who lay hold on her (Prov. iii. 
18). In this the usual opposer of the allegoric interpretation of 
Origen, Methodius, bishop of Tyre, agrees (died a.d. 311). 
Again, a follower of the theology of Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, 
draws a comparison in the same manner, and contrasts, in an 
Easter sermon, the new life in Christ with the life of the old man, 
the state in Paradise after the fall. " Then, says he, " we kept 
ourselves concealed under the fig-tree, out of shame, now we 
come in glory to the tree of life ,• then we were driven out of 
Paradise for disobedience, now through faith we are admitted to 
Paradise. Again, the tree of life may be eaten of by the fallen ; 
again, the water of Paradise that divided itself into four streams 
flows through every land where the Gospel comes." And 
Epiphanius, in a homily on the Great Sabbath, calling to mind 
the descent of Christ into heU, wherein he evidently had before 
him the so-called gospel of Nicodemus, introduces the Lord 
speaking as he speaks to Adam, "I remove thee from this 
prefigurative tree of life ; but, behold me myself, I am the life 
united with thee/' Farther, Anastasius Sinaita observes, that 
Jesus himself calls himself so, in support of which he quotes the 
words in reference to the good tree, whose fruit is good (Matt. 
xii. 33), and also from Luke xxiii. 31, " if they do these in a green 
tree." And Macarius Chrysocephalus, archbishop of Thessa- 
lonica, in a sermon on the feast of the Elevation on the Cross, in 
a passage already mentioned, where he speaks of the tree of life 
as a prize which man would have received if he had kept the 
command of God, and in which He calls the tree of life a type of 
the cross, applies it immediately afterwards to Christ himself, 
quoting Psalm i. 3, " But Christ the wood of immortality, the 
tree of eternal life planted by the streams of water in the new 
paradise of Holy Scripture and nailed on the cross for me, the 
bread of life, the vine of immortality, has not only given me 
being, which I had lost, but also to be happy and to live for ever." 
It is the same in the Latin Church. We have already seen 
how Ambrose in his allegoric interpretation of paradise passes 
over from the tree of life to Christ. In the interpretation of 
the first Psalm he explains the tree planted by the rivers of 
water, as the tree of life which grew in paradise out of the earth 
among the other trees : but this is no other than He through 
whom we have salvation. It is said by hira that the earth 
brought it forth as the Virgin brought forth Christ, and that it 
stands amid the other trees as Jesus among his disciples (John 
i. 26; Luke xxiii. 27). Besides, Solomon speaks of Him (Prov. 
iii. 18.) In this Psalm, then, the man is called blessed who 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 29 

folio ws the Lord Jesus, who is the tree of life, the tree of 
wisdom. Augustine, on the other hand, maintains in opposi- 
tion to the merely allegoric interpretation the reality of an 
earthly paradise, but at bottom he makes the allegoric also 
available, and that too in a double sense : he takes the tree of 
life as well in the moral sense, according to which it signifies the 
mother of all good (wisdom), — as in reference to the Church, 
according to which it signifies Christ the Saint of saints, both of 
which follow since Christ himself is the wisdom of God, of 
whom Solomon speaks, that she is a tree of life to all who lay 
hold on her. And this meaning he maintains to be no after- 
development, but to be originally given with the tree. " God 
would not permit," says he, " that man should live in paradise 
without the mystery of spiritual things, which were bodily pre- 
sented to him." Accordingly man received from the other 
trees his food, but in the tree of life he had a sacrament ; the 
word equivalent to mystery, which he had used above. This 
sentiment of his (in lignis caeteris erat alimentum in illo autem 
sacramentumj has been frequently quoted since by ecclesias- 
tical writers. In the middle ages, and as far on as the ninth 
century, this interpretation of Augustine from his work on the 
Kingdom of God, is endorsed by Rhabanus Maurus, while 
Remigius monk at Auxerre, in his commentary on the first 
Psalm, follows Ambrosius ; but as to the tree planted by the 
rivers of water, signifying Christ, he cites the words of Christ 
(Matt. xii. 33 ; Luke xxiii. 31), which are appealed to in the 
same sense by Anastasius Sinaita. The Claris, by Melito, lately 
published, a collection of the figurative expressions of Scripture 
arranged according to subjects, explains indeed the tree and 
the word in the two places, Psalm i. 3 and Luke xxiii. 31, as an 
image of Christ (whereto Rhabanus Maurus, who had this key 
before him, agrees), but it is only in a manuscript addition 
somewhere about the eleventh century, that the tree of paradise 
is included in these comparisons. Among the mystics of the 
middle ages, Hugo of St. Victor chiefly deserves mention, 
(died 1141), who, alluding to the allegoric explanation of para- 
dise according to which it signifies the Church, says of Christ, 
— " He stands in the middle of his Church as the everlasting 
tree of life whose fruits give to the strong nourishment, and to 
the weak shelter." And Bonaventura in this reference defends 
the tree of life against the reproach that it was perishable ; for 
although the first man did not find sustentation in it, yet his 
posterity learned that by that tree they should understand 
Christ. Connected with this, in the Marian Psalter of the 
thirteenth century, the salutation of Mary is understood as that 



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80 The Tree of Life. [October, 

of the tree of life, since Christ is praised as its fruit by Bona- 
ventura/ and Edmund of Canterbury.* 

Finally, in the Protestant Church, Calvin, in the interpreta- 
tion of the Mosaic record, follows the opinion of Augustine and 
Eucherius, that the tree of life was a type of Christ, inasmuch 
as he is the eternal Word of God ; indeed only in this view, he 
maintains, could the tree have been the symbol of life. Luther, 
also, who condemns all profitless allegorizings of the account of 
paradise, and who in this attributes above all to Origen " very 
silly thoughts/ 1 still includes among allegories which have a 
certain foundation in the letter, that as the tree of death is the 
law, so the tree of life is the Gospel or Christ. 

The reference of the tree of life to the person of Christ has 
received a very peculiar expression, in which also the work of 
Christ is included, in the Legend of the Oil of Mercy, for which 
Adam in his death-sickness prays of the tree ; whereupon he is 
referred to the anointing and redemption through the Son of 
God. To this legend, which can shew evidence of its existence 
from the second to the eighteenth century, we shall now turn 
our attention. 

The Legend of the Oil of Mercy. 

1. The Epistle to the Hebrews applies the words of the forty- 
fifth Psalm, " Therefore hath God, even thy God, anointed thee 
with the oil of gladness" (Heb. i. 9), to the inauguration of 
Christ, as eternal king, after the completion of the work of 
redemption on earth, — a transition from the real anointing of 
the kings of Judah to a spiritual anointing. On the other hand, 
a writing of the second century, taking the name Jesus as that of 
the Messiah or anointed, gives a material explanation of the 
unction which is put into the mouth of Peter; that the Father 
first anointed with the oil which came from the tree of life the 
Son of God, who, as the beginning of all things, already appeared 
in the person of Adam. He himself will also, according to the 
ordination of the Father, anoint with a like oil all the godly 

a Bonaventura, IkaUerium minus B. Maries Virg. quinquag. i. 1 — 4. Opera 
xiii. 362. 

44 Ave Virgo vitre lignum, 
Quae pereni laude di^num, 
Salvo voto quod vovwti 
Mundo fructum attulisti." 
And more fully in the Law B. Virg. Mar.,, fig. ii. ; Ibid., p. 354. 

* Edmund of Canterbury, cir. 1240. Psalter B. Mar. Virg. Carmin., at the 
beginning, — 

14 Ave Virgo lignum vita 
Quae dcdisti fructum vit» 
Saluti fidelium." 

Oreith Spicileg. Vatic., p. 133. 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 81 

when they enter his kingdom, to refresh them after their work, 
that their light also may shine, and that filled with the Holy 
Ghost they may be made partakers of immortality. Such an 
anointing is attributed to the real Adam in the second part of 
the so-called gospel of Nicodemus, which probably dates also 
from the second century, and which makes Seth relate to the 
fathers in the underworld, on the occasion of the baptism of 
Christ, how Adam, seized with a mortal disease, sends his son to 
pray God at the gate of paradise, that he would lead him by the 
angel to the tree of mercy, and that he might take the oil so 
that his father might recover (the oil being taken for a pledge of 
mercy from the similarity in sound of the words eKcuov and 
£\€o?). Seth did as his father desired. After his prayer the 
angel of the Lord (in the Latin translation the archangel 
Michael) came and said to him, " Seth, what wilt thou ? Dost 
thou desire the oil which raises up the sick, and the tree which 
yields the oil, on account of the weakness of thy father? This 
thou canst not have ; go and say that after the completion of 
fifty-five hundred years from the creation of the world, the only- 
begotten Son of God will descend to earth and become man; he 
will anoint thy father with this oil, and will ascend (to heaven) . . . 
and then he will be healed of all disease ; but now that cannot 
be done." To this is to be attached a narrative in a Greek 
fragment upon the life of Adam and Eve (perhaps from the so- 
called Little Genesis), which is said to have been revealed to 
Moses by the archangel, Michael. At the desire of the sick 
Adam, Eve goes with Seth to Paradise, with earth upon her 
head, and bathed in tears, to entreat the Lord that he will send 
his angel to give to them of the oil of paradise, with which to 
anoint and to restore Adam. Thereupon Michael appears and 
says, " Seth must not trouble himself about this oil for the 
anointing of his father, for now he cannot obtain it ; but in the 
last times all flesh shall rise again, that is, all who are holy; and 
then shall all the joys of paradise be given to them." • A new 
version of the legend appears in the oriental Christian Book of 
Adam, and here the fruit of the tree, instead of the oil, is 
spoken of. After the first pair had spent forty-three days in 
sorrow and distress, and in their hunger desired to eat of the 
fruits of the garden, God sent a cherub to them with two figs. 
And when they saw that these were from the trees among 
which they had hid themselves, and remembered that they had 
then perceived their nakedness, they refrained from the fruit and 
prayed God, " O give to us of the fruit of the tree of life, that 
we may eat and live, and may not again have to bear the sorrows 
of earth." Upon which the word of the Lord came to Adam, 



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32 The Tree qf Life. [October, 

saying, " Adam, from the tree of life for which thou prayest, I 
cannot yet give to thee the fruit; but after fifty-five hundred years 
have been fulfilled, I will give to thee to eat thereof, that thou 
mayest live for ever, thou, and Eve, and all the faithful of thy 
seed. . . . Rest in patience till the covenant which I have made 
with thee shall be falfilled." 

2. In the middle ages the tradition branches out into various 
ramifications. Here and there the legend has been adopted just 
as it stands in the gospel of Nicodemus, of which a Latin trans- 
lation of the ninth century, and which is in the library of 
Einsiedeln, is known. It was afterwards received by Vincentius 
of Beauvais, in the thirteenth century, as well as in the Golden 
Legend of Jacobus & Voragine, and here, indeed, twice, and with 
references to its origin. 

Somewhat embellished it appears in the French translation 
of a Latin book, De poenitentid Adami, which still exists in manu- 
script at Paris. It has been also made use of in a French drama 
of the birth of Christ, in the fifteenth century, which com« 
mences with the creation of Adam and the fall; with the dif- 
ference that Adam himself dying and realizing hell, prays for 
the oil of mercy to God, who exhorts him to bear death with 
patience, and promises him redemption from the pains of hell 
after fifty-five hundred years, expressly through the blood of the 
Son of God, which will flow from his hands, feet, and side. 
Then follows the sending of Seth to paradise, who again begs 
the oil for his dying father, on which he is made a partaker of 
the peace which God has promised to his own people. In 
the answer, however, which God sends by Raphael there appears 
another legend ; for the angel, instead of giving to Seth the oil 
which he begs, breaks off for him a branch of the tree of know- 
ledge, which he is to plant on Adam's grave, — to which we shall 
return. 

Let us, first of all, follow the course of the first tradition in 
the German and Netherlandish literature/ A poem of the 
thirteenth century, under the title Die Urstende, treats of the 
descent of Christ to hell, following closely the relation contained 
in the so-called gospel of Nicodemus; when called upon by 
Adam, Seth reports to the fathers in hell as follows : — 

" When under weight of years ray father lay 
At point of death he spake, Go thou, ray son, 
Straight to the gate of paradise, and there 

c The word wo have rendered " Netherlandish " is " Niederdeutsch " in some 
places in the text, but not here. Neither u Low German " nor " Dutch " seem 
to convey all that is meant. — Tb. 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 33 

Thou sbalt a tree behold, 'tis called the tree 
Of mercy. Go, my son, and see if thou 
Can's t gain for me a portion of that oil 
Which trickles from its trunk ; for its sweet balm 
Will make me well again." 

He describes the difficulty of the way thither, and the hard- 
ships he suffered, because his food failed; and how the wind 
which blew from paradise breathed joy into him. His entrance 
into paradise, however, was interdicted by an angel, who also 
denied him the oil for which he asked : — 

" Where goest thou, Selh ? and Seth replied, My lord, 
I came to beg your highness* aid to lead 
Me to the place where stands the sacred tree 
Of mercy, that taking of its healing oil, 
I may my father heal. To which he said, 
Thou may' st not enter, Seth, for paradise 
Is barred to mortal man since that dread day 
When Adam was sent forth, nor erst before 
Five thousand and five hundred years have rolled, 
And fifty-five; until He come," etc. etc. 

About the same time we find this tradition treated at length, 
and joined to another which makes reference to the cross of 
Christ, in a Netherlandish poem on the wood of the cross 
(Dboec vanden houte), which, however, is doubtless drawn from a 
Latin source, which it also cites (v. 314). The author is gene- 
rally held to be Jacob Van Maerlant, who died at Damm, near 
Bruges, in the year a.d. 1300, and who is celebrated as the 
father of Netherlandish poetry. The poem, which consists of 
seven hundred and eighty verses, has been several times printed, 
and was last published among the works of the Society for the 
promotion of old Netherlandish poetry (1844). The oil of 
mercy, it is here said, was promised to Adam by God at the 
expulsion from Eden ; the tree of life is not expressly mentioned 
(but all the more the tree of knowledge), but the oil, which is 
referred to the consolation at the coming of Christ, is placed in 
a closer association with his person. Otherwise the incidents 
are as above-mentioned, with manifold additions and enlarge- 
ments, especially that Seth succeeds in getting into paradise, or 
at least in getting his head in. Thus, Adam, old and sick, begs 
his son to go to the cherub before paradise (v. 56). 

" Pray him, my son, that he may me acquaint 
How long I shall the oil of mercy miss. 
That God himself me promised, as He drove 
Me forth the garden." 

NEW SERIES. VOL VI., NO. XI. D 



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84 The Tree of Life. [October, 

He then gives him, at his request, instructions as to the 
journey (ver. 69) ; " he is to follow the path eastward, by which 
he will come into a valley, called the vale of Ebron, and here he 
will still see the footmarks made by himself and Eve as they in 
sorrow took their way from paradise." Seth then comes to the 
cherub and states to him the request of Adam. The cherub 
calls him to take a view of paradise, and when he has done this, 
he will hear his request. Seth puts his head through the gate, 
casts his eyes round, and sees four rivers, and on the bank a 
high leafless tree upon which there is a serpent, while upon the 
top of the tree there is a child lying, newly born, and wrapped in 
clothes, and whose weeping he hears. Returning from his ob- 
servation he inquires concerning the child, and receives the 
following explanation (ver. 184) : — 

" The child that on the tree's high summit weeps 
To heaven, shall of a virgin pure be born, 
Receiving human shape, without the course 
Of nature, for this is the Son of God. 
And when the years have run their round, 
And reached the destined point of time, then joy 
Shall also visit Adam, not before. 
Forth from the child and from his sufferings th'oil 
Of mercy pressed, in richest streams shall flow 
To Adam, who shall then himself rejoice, — 
His soul disburdened of the grief he brought 
To all the world. But the blood must flow 
Upon the cross that grows from three choice seeds : — 
Go then to Adam, and relate the words 
That thou hast heard. Three days beyond the time 
That thou dost see him he shall live, — no more ; 
Begone," etc., etc. 

Seth hastens to Adam, and relates to him word for word 
what the angel hath said to him : — 

" That from no tree, but from the child shall come 
The oil of mercy." 

The whole narrative has found a wide acceptance in Ger- 
many in several forms. First there was a Netherlandish version 
of this work, made as it appears towards the end of the four- 
teenth century, at Hamburg, and inserted in the so-called Harte 
Book, a collection of sacred and profane poetry, from which col- 
lection it has been recently published. After this, towards the 
end of the fifteenth century, it was cast into the dramatic form 
in North Germany, by Arnold Immessen, and found a place in 
his great Netherlandish Theatre, which comprehends sacred his- 
tory from the creation to the reception of Mary in the temple. 



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1864.] The Tree of Ltfe. 85 

The passages which have been above quoted, are there reproduced 
nearly word for word, with slight omissions, and also with addi- 
tions, especially a monologue, which is put into the mouth of 
Seth before he enters paradise : — 

" Now are my senses glad, for now I step 
Within the rest of God, the paradise, 
The holy place, which Adam sorrowing left, 
Because that he had sinned : I will mine eyes 
Feast with the sight, for never will they drink 
Such joy as now," etc., etc. 

In a Netherlandish play of the resurrection, which was 
committed to writing at Wismar, in the year 1464, but which 
is grounded on an older Low-Rhenish text, the legend is intro- 
duced on the stage with dramatic scenery, but in a simpler form, 
and in immediate connection with the original representation 
in the so-called gospel of Nicodemus, that the fathers in hell 
await with expectation the descent of Christ. 

Seth says : — 

" My father Adam at the point of death 
Thus spake to me ; Hear me, my son, he says, 
Go straight to paradise and pray to God 
TV Almighty that he may accord to thee 
His mercy by his angel ; that by its power 
I may revive again. At his behest 
I went. When to the gate I came, I found 
The angel Michael standing there, who said, 
Seth, cease to weep, thou canst not have the oil. 
Then said he to me, Take this branching twig, 
And set it in the ground, and know that soon 
As years five thousand and five hundred more 
Have run their course then Adam will rejoice 
And all his race." 

The request for oil is here supposed ; the angel instead of it 
gives him a branch ; it is the other legend, but only glanced at. 

3. The legend has also found a place in the works of more 
modern poets. It has been adopted by Calderon in the Pro- 
phetess of the East ; but for the tree of life he introduces the 
tree of death. At the end of the play it is revealed to Solomon 
by the queen of Sheba, how Adam, to whom the promise of 
mercy had been made at his expulsion from paradise, drawing 
near his end, sent Seth for the oil of mercy. Upon his stating 
his request, the angel points out to him a sign which he should 
report to his father : d — 

4 Calderon, La Sibila del Oriente. We rather give Calderon's text than the 
German rendering of it. — Tr. 

d2 



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36 The Tree of Life. [October, 

" Desde la puerta miro* 
Una vision exquisita 
En un arbol, cuyas hojas 
Secas, mustias y marchitas, 
Desnudo et tronco dejaban, 
Que, entre nil copas floridas 
De los arboles, el solo 
Sin pompa y sin bizarria, 
Era Cadaver del prado ; 

Y como todos vivian 
Con almas, 6\ solamente. 
Sin alma vegetation, 
Era un arbol esqueleto, 
Con la armadura y sin vida. 
Este el Angel le enseno 
Con el dedo, y dijo : mira, 
El oleo de la piedad. ,,e 

When Adam hears this, he gives to his son the dying com- 
mand to bring him to Hebron. — 

" Set ; yo muero ; 

Lo que mi amor determina, 
Es, que me des sepultura 
En Ebron ; y mira encinia 
De mi sepulcro, que un arbol 
Nace ; que esto significa 
Ver tu el arbol de la muerte 

Y cuando arbol de la vida 
Quieran piadosos los cielos, 
Que nazca de mis cenizas."/ 

Goethe in his Reineke Fuchs, also makes an allusion to it on 
occasion of the ring with three Hebrew names, which the fox 
pretends to have presented to the king : — 

" The three engraven names 
Were brought by holy Seth from paradise 
When he the oil of mercy begged." 

III. Application of the Tree of Life to the Cross of Christ. — 
The conception of the citoss as a tree of life, very naturally 
follows from the explanation which makes the tree of life a 
symbol of Christ, as the cross was the means whereby he 
brought life to light. And thus far it comes into contrast with 
the tree of knowledge of good and evil. This, however, is also a 
tree of death, which limits the relation of the two last. In this 
reference the inner association has not alone been abided by, 



* Caldcron, Tm Sibila del Oriente, jorn. iii., Esc. 7. Opera Ed. Keil, iii., 217. 
Aribau, Bibliot. de Autor. E*pan. y torn. iv. 

/ La Sibila del Oriente, Ed. Keil ubi supra, jorn. iii,, Esc. 7. 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 37 

for a material connection has been elicited through a discovery 
that the wood of the cross was taken from a tree which traced 
its origin back to the tree of paradise. This legend which first 
shewed itself in the latter part of the middle ages, has had a 
wide currency, alongside of the antiquated tradition above ad- 
verted to, and is not less a vehicle of symbolical ideas. In 
order to see how these notions reciprocally limit each other and 
interweave themselves together, let us review them separately 
in their historical development. 

1. The Tree of Life as representative of the Cross. — As 
far back as the time of Justin Martyr, who, in the middle 
of the second century, affirms this tree to be a symbol of Christ, 
we find the endeavour to carry this symbolization through the 
Old Testament with reference to the cross of Christ, for he 
proves the significance of " wood," in sacred history, to be that 
of " branch," " twig," or " tree." " Under a tree God appeared 
to Abraham at the oak of Mamre ; with a staff in his hand 
Moses divided the sea at the head of his people ; by a piece of 
wood thrown into the bitter waters of Mar ah he made them 
sweet ; the rod of Aaron which blossomed, betokens him 
priest ; David calls the godly a tree planted by the rivers of 
water which yields its fruit at its season. As a root out of the 
stem of Jesse shall the Messiah be born, according to Isaiah." 
Julius Firmicus Maternus quotes a like number of instances, 
although without mentioning the tree of life, in order to oppose 
them to the heathenish use of pieces of wood or trees in their 
mummeries. " Consider," says he, " the order of the divine 
and delivering tree. From the deluge man was saved by a 
wooden ark; upon the shoulders of his only son Abraham 
laid wood ; the people of God, returning from Egypt, were pro- 
tected by a wooden rod ; the bitter waters were made sweet by 
wood ; the healing water was drawn forth from the lifeless rock 
by a wooden rod; and the law of God was committed to a 
wooden ark ; by all which, as by particular steps, the salvation 
of man reached to the wood of the cross."^ 

At a later period, Johannes Damascenus, among the Greeks, 
thus reviews the previous history of the cross. " The tree of 

* The original passage in Maternus is very carious, but we only quote the 
portion which Dr. riper has translated : " Divini et liberantis ligni ordinem disco, 
ut scias nulla tibi posse ratione succurri. De cataclysmo humanum genus area 
lignea libera vit. Deinde Abraham ligna unici nlii humeris imponit. De 
^Egypto recedentem populum Dei plebera lignea virga protoxit. Lignum dul- 
cera saporem amaro myrrh© fontibus reddidit. Lignea virga ex spirituali pctra 
salutaris unda profertur. . . Et lex Dei arc® lign© creditur, ut his omnibus 
quasi per gradus quosdam ad lignum crucis salus hominum perveniret." Jul. 
Fir. Mat., De Errore Prof. Rel. cap. 27. 



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38 The Tree of Life. [October, 

life/ 1 he says, " planted by God in paradise, was a prefiguration 
of the precious cross ; for, as through wood came death, so also 
through wood must come life and the resurrection from the 
dead." He then couples with this the other prefigurations, 
especially the staff of Moses, by which he divided the sea, and 
struck the water from the rock \ the wood by which he made 
the bitter waters sweet; and the rod which announced to Aaron 
the priestly office. And here, above all, the festivals in honour 
of the crucifixion have given occasion, in the sermons on the 
cross, to refer to the tree of life, and to place both in parallelism, 
of which we shall say more hereafter. We may now mention, 
however, a sermon of Theophanes Cerameus, archbishop of Tau- 
romenium in the twelfth century, on the feast of the Elevation of 
the Cross, in which he explains the tree of life as a prophecy of 
the cross : " When God, at the creation of the world, planted 
paradise towards the East, he made the tree of life grow in the 
middle of Eden, whereby he proclaimed, as if from on high, to 
all beforehand, In the middle of the earth shall be planted the 
cross bearing the giver of life." In the Latin middle ages, 
Thomas Aquinas cites the before-mentioned passage of Julius 
Firmicus, although naming Augustine as his authority, in a ser- 
mon on the passion, in proof that the mode of death by cruci- 
fying is consistent with many prefigurations in Scripture. 

2. The Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, and 'the 
Cross of Christ. — .1 On the other hand, the tree of the know- 
ledge of good and evil also leads to the cross, partly through an 
antitype, the basis of which we find in Paul ; for the apostle 
declares that as by one man's disobedience many were made 
sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made 
righteous (Rom. v. 19) : and of this obedience it is said that 
Christ exercised it even to the death on the cross (Phil. ii. 8). 
The disobedience referred to, however, applies to the eating of 
the forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge. In this manner, 
as instruments of the one and of the other, this tree and that 
wood stand opposed. This reciprocal image has been employed 
in the church from the most ancient times. Thus Irenaeus first 
observes : " As we, by the wood, have become debtors to God, 
so have we, through the wood, received the remission of our 
debts." Again, in the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus, after 
the Redeemer has appeared in Hades, and has freed the pri- 
soners, the personification of Hades says to Satan, who has 
promised himself so much advantage from his death : " Behold, 
and see that the dead one is gone from me ; what, therefore, 
thou hast gained through the tree of knowledge, thou hast lost 
through the tree of the cross ; for there thou hast lost all." But 



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1864.] The Tree oj Life. 89 

the Lord, after he has led out Adam by the hand, says to the 
rest, " Come with me, all ye who have died by the tree which 
this man has touched, for I make you all alive through the tree 
of the cross." In like manner, also, in the Latin church, Ter- 
tullian explains the words which he sets before the Jews, " the 
tree shall bear its fruit," (Joel ii. 22) thus : " Not that tree in 
paradise which gave to the first man his death, but the tree of 
the sufferings of Christ, whereon hung the life on which ye did 
not believe." So also Julius Pirmicus Maternus: "The tree 
of knowledge conferred on the deceived ones a death-bringing 
knowledge ; the wood of the cross has restored life by an immor- 
tal union. Adam despised, Christ obeyed, God; so by the 
divine ordination Christ has found again what Adam lost." 
Ambrose, in a contrast of both, says pithily, €t Death came by 
the tree, life by the cross." This contrast is expressed by 
Augustine, in a sermon on the Lord's sufferings, which has 
been lately discovered, " On one tree we have suffered woe ; on 
another are we redeemed; on wood has death and life hung 
suspended." And it is rhetorically enlarged upon in a sermon 
on Eve and Mary : " As we have been made dead by a tree, so 
have we been made alive by a tree. A tree discovered to us our 
nakedness ; a tree has covered us with the leaves of mercy ; a 
tree infused into us the scorching heat of sin ; a tree has given 
us cooling from its fatal fires ; the tree of knowledge produced 
to us thorns and thistles; the tree of wisdom has yielded us 
hope and salvation ; a tree brought to us sweat and work ; rest 
and peace are bestowed on us by the tree of the cross, etc." 

Then this contrast forms a string of triumphs in the hymns 
of the church. It is so used, especially by Fortunatus, bishop 
of Poitiers, in the second half of the sixth century, in the famous 
hymn which begins, " Pange lingua gloriosi Prcelium certa- 
minis" (Str. ii.) 

" De parentis protoplasti 

Fraude Factor condolens, 

Quando pomi noxialis 

In necem morsu ruit : 

Ipse lignum tunc notavit 

Damna ligni ut solveret 

Hoc opus nostra? salutis 

Ordo depoposcerat 

Multiformis proditoris 

Ars ut artem falleret 

Et medelam ferret inde 

Hostis unde laeserat." ^e 

And so in the middle ages. Theodulf, bishop of ° rlean ®> * r tal 
beginning of the ninth century, in a poem on the seven u* 

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40 The Tree of Life. [October, 

sins, in the course of which he comes to speak of the manner in 
which vice is conquered by virtue, begins by placing the fall and 
redemption in contrast : " In this way often, this physician heals 
by opposites, but sometimes by things like: by a tree came 
death, and again by a tree came glorious life/' In the Eluci- 
darium already mentioned, the question is put to the scholar, 
" Why did Christ die upon a tree ? to which the teacher gives 
the answer, That he might overcome him (the devil) who over- 
came by the tree, and that he might restore him who fell by the 
tree." And Thomas Aquinas, in the thirteenth century, in 
shewing the appropriateness of this kind of death, observes, 
" This was the fittest as a satisfaction for the sin of the first 
man," quoting, at th$ same time, a passage from Augustine : 
" Adam despised the command, taking fruit of the tree ; but 
what Adam lost, Christ has again recovered at the cross." To 
this, the author of the Golden Legend several times recurs; 
not only in the section on the Lord's passion, where the above 
words of Ambrosius are quoted, but in the legend of St. Cecilia, 
who, to the still heathen Tiburtius, explains the Lord's passion, 
and its redeeming effect, in a list of parallelisms (congruitates), 
of which the last is, " He hangs upon the tree in order to put 
away the transgression of the tree." 

To a more modern date belongs, in this connection, the beau- 
tiful poem of Calderon, the Prophetess of the East, that is, the 
queen of Sheba, who, full of enthusiasm, writes down her inspi- 
ration upon palm-leaves — a prophecy which forms the basis of 
the whole drama : — 

celestial singular 

" Un singular, un celestial madero 

Con dulce fruta en su sazon cogida 
Antidoto ser primero 

Antiroto hade sel de aauel plimero 

Porque uno muserte de, y otro de* vida 

Y cuando el parasismo vea postrero 

La fabrica del arbe derasida 
juicio 

Con el & judicio universal llamados 

Los di chosos ser&n los senalados."* 

The verses are read off singly from the palm-leaves, and then 
together ; they occur again afterwards, when they are sung to 
the queen as she rests on Lebanon, under the shadow of this 
very tree. 

2. On the other hand, anticipating this contrast, there comes 

* La Sibila del Oriente, jorn. ii., Esc. 1. Ed. Keil, p. 207, the variations in 
jorn. i., Esc. 9 and 10, p. 204, are shewn by the words inserted between the lines 
of text. 



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1&64.] The Tree of Life. 41 

in a parallel between the wood of the cross and the tree of know- 
ledge in respect of the curse which follows the eating of the 
forbidden fruit. For, if through the wounds of the crucified 
Saviour we are healed (according to the words of Isaiah liii. 5), 
yet they were inflicted on him when he was on the cross ; and if 
on the cross he freed us from the curse of sin, he has, at the 
same time, borne this curse himself (according to the words, 
"cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree," Gal. iii., 13.) 
This association of thought has acquired a real expression in a 
legend which has been in currency since the twelfth century. 

On the derivation of the % Wood of the Cross from the Tree of 
Knowledge. 1 — As early as 1120, Lambertus, canon of St. Omer, 
inserted into his collection of poetry the following extract : — 

" When Adam was about nine hundred and thirty years old, he de- 
clared he should die; but that he must suffer from severe disease 
until he perceived the smell of the tree whereby he had sinned against 
God in paradise. And he said to his son Seth, ' Go to the east, to the 
very brink of the ocean, and call on God with hands stretched out to 
heaven, and thou wilt perhaps find help in this matter.' When Seth 
fulfilled the commission of his father, he was transported by the angel 
into paradise, and after he had broken off a branch from the tree, he was 
brought back ; whereon he returned to his father. Refreshed by the smell 
of the tree, his father died. Thereon Seth planted the branch, which 
grew to a tree and stood till the time of Solomon. The chief builders of 
the temple, when they saw how fine a tree it was, hewed it down ; but the 
builders rejected it like the stone which is become the head of the corner. 
And it lay there unused for 1090 years, that is, till Christ came. Of this 
wood was the cross of Christ made." 

Petrus Comestor, chancellor of the university of Paris, after- 
wards canon of St. Victor, gives an account of the tree during 
this time, without touching on its previous history, in his Biblical 
History, which he composed 1169 — 1 175. 

" As we have received from some, the queen of Sheba saw in the spirit 
in the house of the forest that is called Nethota, the tree of the cross of 
Christ ; and she informed Solomon, after she had left him, that thereon 
one should die, on account of whose death the Jews would be destroyed 
as a nation. Solomon, terrified, caused it to be buried where the Sheep 

* The subject has been often mentioned in modern times without coming up 
regularly for discussion. Munter, Figures, ii., p. 46, note 67, remarks, " I think 
I have somewhere read a myth according to which the wood of Christ's cross 
was cut from the tree of knowledge of good and evil." Olshausen, Comment. 
on the Gospels, second edition, part ii., p. 481, and Thilo, Cod. Apocr., part, i., 
p. 686, touch on the legend in its latest versions. Menzel, Christ. Symbol., part 
i., p. ] 14, refers to an earlier period, and Heider, the Roman church at Schon- 
grabern, p. 134. The following account is intended to shew the course and the 
ramifications of the tradition. 



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42 The Tree of Life. [October, 

Fool, John v. 2, was afterwards made. But when the time came that 
Christ should suffer, it swam above the water as if anouncing Christ, and 
from this period the movement in the waters (mentioned in the Gospel) 
began." 

Stilly the author adds, this is not authentic ; — the Herrad von 
Landsperg gives the whole story in her Hortus Deliciarum, of the 
year 1175, in which use is made of the above-mentioned Petrus 
Comestor; and that from the sending of Seth to paradise to 
fetch the branch, to the discovery in the sheep pool at Jerusalem 
of the wood of which the cross of Christ was made. There is 
only an addition to the effect that the tree which was not used 
at the building of the temple, was employed in a bridge over 
a ditch in the city over which the queen of Sheba should have 
passed; but, warned by a presentiment she refused, and wor- 
shipped. The very same account is given by John Beleth (about 
1182), in commenting upon the feast of the elevation of the 
cross. In this shape it passed into the thirteenth century. 
Gervasius of Tilbury inserted the passage from Petrus Comestor 
in his Imperial Leisure Hours (about the year 1211) ; he adds, 
however, a second legend : " According to the Greeks a branch 
was brought to Jerusalem from the tree by which Adam sinned, 
and from this the cross comes, that by the same wood by 
which came death might come also redemption." All these 
traditions were brought together in the second half of this cen- 
tury by Jacobus a Voragine, who cites them at the festival of 
the discovery of the cross, inasmuch as the wood of the cross 
had already been found by Seth in paradise, by Solomon in 
Lebanon, by the queen of Sheba in the temple of Solomon, and 
by the Jews in the sheep pool. After he gives, from the gospel 
of Nicodemus, the tradition of the sending of Seth to the tree 
of mercy, he remarks farther : — 

" We read in another place, that the angel gave him a branch with 
directions to plant it in Lebanon. In a history of the Greeks, however, 
which is apocryphal, it is said, ' The angel gave him of the wood by which 
Adam sinned, telling him that when it bore fruit his father would become 
well. On his return, finding him dead, he planted a branch on his grave, 
which grew to a great tree, and lasted till the time of Solomon." 

Whether this be true or not, he leaves to the judgment of 
the reader, as it appears not in any authentic chronicle or his- 
tory ; while in another place he expresses himself strongly against 
the truth of it. He farther reports the felling of the tree by 
Solomon, quoting John Beleth, and remarks that he never could 
understand why the builders rejected it and made of it a bridge 
over a pool. Farther on he speaks of the queen of Sheba, that 
she never walked on the wood, but immediately worshipped, 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 48 

and what she then announced to Solomon, besides other par- 
ticulars as related by Petrus Comestor. 

Some versions of the legend, somewhat different from the 
above, are to be met with at the end of the twelfth and in the 
course of the thirteenth century. One of these is by Godfridus 
of Viterbo in his chronicle (about 186), who, quoting Athanasius, 
reports : — 

" Hiontus (or rather Ionicus), one of the two sons of Noab, whom he 
begat after the deluge, when he heard of the glory of paradise that had been 
lost, prayed the Lord that he would shew it to him. In a trance he was 
carried to paradise, but did not know whether he was in the body or out 
of the body : to ascertain this, he took three plants with him, — a fir, a 
palm, and a cypress, — which he planted in different places. But they 
came together, and grew into one tree with threefold leaves. This tree 
was well known when David ordered wood to be hewn for the temple on 
Mount Lebanon, and he had the tree brought into his chamber; but 
Solomon in vain tried to use it in the building of the temple." 

And then follows the rest mainly as it is in Petrus Comestor. 
Thus the reference to the tree of paradise is here given up. But 
it reappears in two traditions of the thirteenth century, and of 
French origin. The one occurs in a narrative respecting the 
repentance of Adam, which was translated by one Andreas from 
the Latin into the French : according to this, Eve along with 
the forbidden fruit, broke off a branch from the tree of know- 
ledge, which she in her distraction of spirit brought with her 
from paradise. Struck into the ground by her it grew to a great 
tree, under which Abel was killed. At a later time it was used 
in the building of the most holy place in the temple of Solomon, 
and finally it yielded the beams out of which the cross was made. 
The other legend is contained in an old French poem by the 
priest Herman of Valenciennes : according to it, after the fall of 
Adam, God rooted out the tree of knowledge, and cast it over 
the wall of paradise. A thousand years after it was found by 
Abraham, who planted it in his garden, on which a voice from 
heaven announced to him that this was the tree on the wood of 
which the Redeemer should be crucified. 

Following the development of the legend of the derivation 
of this wood from paradise, we find it adopted and much used 
in the German poetry of the thirteenth century. First, by 
Henry of Meissen (FrauenlobJ, who in his Body of the Cross 
mentions how Adam in his sickness sent his son to paradise, 

" . . . . seeking food 
"Which might yield eternal good, ,, 

and how the branch which he obtained was planted on the grave 

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44 The Tree of Life. [October, 

of Adam, who had meanwhile died. From this came the stem 
of the cross, as the Sibyl mentions; then the will of Solomon 
tendered it its right. Finally, 

" The cross bore Christ, who as the door of heaven 
Gives us our entrance, the Eternal Word, 
Which like an arrow from the soul of God 
Doth pierce us, giving life for death." 

Also in his Body of Mary, Frauenlob briefly develops the 
oneness of the tree from paradise and that of the cross, whereat 
he calls God the " ancient gardener/' because he planted the 
garden in Eden. 

" .... He was the ancient gardener' 
Who the tree planted, on whose fruit he waits, 
When death into the world had come." 

Farther, in the poem of the Sibyl's prophecy, of the middle 
of the fourteenth century, which consists of a dialogue between 
the Sibyl and king Solomon, it gives a particular account of the 
hope entertained by the sick and aged Adam that he should 
recover. Thus he entreats : — 

" his first-born son that he would go 

And see if any one might enter in, 

So that he might the precious fruit obtain 

Which should restore his strength." 

The son, making signs of willing obedience, went on his 
journey to paradise. When he came to the gate, an angel stood 
there with a branch in his hand bearing many kinds of fruit, 
and asked him what he wanted. The young man mentions the 
fruit of paradise, by eating which his father might recover and 
be secure against death ; on which the angel answers, — 

" Receive this branch young mau, 
And take it to thy father who by God 
And the wood's blessing will to health return, 
And live for ever." 

Seth understood not this ; he thought his father should be 
restored to health on earth and never die: but when on his 
return he found him already buried, he wept much, and planting 
the branch on the grave, he thought — 

" Perhaps he thereby might return to life, 
And die no more." 
Here this section ends. In an appendix in manuscript, it is 
related that the^ wood was sunk by Solomon in the pool of 

i Dante calls God the Ortolano eterno, par. xxvi. 65. 

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1864.] The Tree of IAfe. 45 

Siloam after the departure of the queen of Sheba, but that on 
Good Friday it came forth from the pool in the form of a cross, 
and was used at the crucifixion. 

In this form the legend has been adopted in the first of the 
Mystery-plays of the seven joys of Mary, called Die eerste 
bliscap van Maria, which was performed in the year 1444, by 
Rederykern of Brussels. Seth sent by Adam to paradise, to 
inquire of the angel when he should recover from his sickness. 
He is told, — by the tree whereby Adam sinned he shall receive 
peace ; while he is at the same time instructed to plant a branch 
which is broken off for him, on the grave of his father (who has 
in the meantime died), out of this a greater and more beautiful 
tree will arise, which will bring him restoration from his misery. 
This is then the branch, which was merely adverted to in the 
Netherlandish play of the year 1464 above mentioned. On the 
other hand again, it is more plainly spoken of in the French 
mystery-play of the fifteenth century also noticed above ; here 
Seth receives the branch from God, with the explanation that it 
is from the apple-tree of which his father eat : and with the 
command to plant it above his grave, and over his body after 
his death. 

Finally, there is another version of the legend in the poem 
of James of Maerlant, at the end of the thirteenth century, of 
which we have already made use in speaking of the oil of mercy. 
According to this, the angel does not give to Seth a branch, but 
three seeds from an apple taken from the branch wherefrom his 
father eat ; which seeds are to be placed beneath his tongue as 
he lies in his grave in the valley of Hebron (v. 211 — 217, 229); 
from these there spring three shoots, a cedar, a cypress, and a 
palm (v. 236). Moses finds them there, and recognizes therein 
a sign of the Divine Trinity (v. 330), as already the angel had 
intimated to Seth ; by a divine impulse he takes them out and 
makes with them the waters of Marah sweet, takes them with 
him, and finally places them in Moab in the earth. With these 
David planted his farm, having received instructions from the 
angel to this effect (v. 387—398):— 

" Therefrom a tree shall grow, whereon shall die 
The One who shall redeem what Adam lost." 

A further account is then given of the manner in which, 
under Solomon, the tree was felled for the building of the 
temple, but which in no shape would fit, and which lay unused 
in the temple ; then was used as a bridge ; but after the queen of 
Sheba had informed him of the destination of this wood, it ;wa 8 
brought back into the temple with honour. Under king A*>i a xt 



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46 The Tree of Life. [October, 

was again brought out, and buried by the Jews in the place where 
afterwards the Sheep Pool was made, and so the legend goes on 
according to the earlier traditions. 

This story of the derivation of the wood of the cross, is also 
found word for word in the play entitled " The Fall," by Arnold 
Immessen. The cherub, while announcing to Seth the futur 
redemption of Adam by the blood of Christ, passes over to the 
wood of the cross (v. 1479). 

" Forth from three* seeds this wood shall spring ; 
Ta'en from an apple, growing on the branch 
Of which eat Adam when Eve plucked the fruit 
Forbidden by the Lord." 

He then gives him the three seeds, telling him that as Adam 
in the course of three days will die, " The three seeds which I 
give to thee thou shalt lay in the same hour under his tongue 
in his mouth, and bury them with him in the ground, and from 
them shall spring three rods;" the one a cedar, the second a 
cypress, the third an olive-tree, which have reference to God the 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. This Seth tells to Adam, and 
does accordingly (v. 1576 and 1667). 

The same tradition is found in a French version of the life 
and repentance of Adam ; concerning Seth's journey to paradise 
to fetch the oil of mercy, the form of the tree of knowledge, the 
three apple seeds which he receives from the angel to place in 
Adam's mouth, and from which three trees of different kinds 
spring forth, and their final application to the cross of Christ. 
The Latin original of this Repentance of Adam, which differs 
in this from the above-mentioned, was several times printed at 
the end of the fifteenth century. 

Calderon has adopted a new modification of the legend 
which however in other respects he follows, in his drama en- 
titled, The Prophetess of the East, of which the story of the 
wood of the cross forms the hinge on which the interest of the 
drama turns. He ignores the connection between the tree of 
paradise and the wood of the cross; but delivers a twofold tra- 
dition concerning the derivation of the latter. At first he 
appears to bring into connection the saying of Adam, concern- 
ing a tree which should grow over his grave, when the informa- 
tion is communicated, which from the oldest times had been 
perpetuated by the dwellers in Mount Lebanon : — 

" Tradicion es verdadera 
De los moradores rudos 
Del Libano, que este tronco 
De Ebron a sus moutes trujo 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 47 

Jerico, de Noe* hyo, 
Que fue el que en herencia tuvo 
Esta parte, cuando el 
Partio entre los hijos suyos 
La tierra la vez segunda 
Que volvio & nacer el mundo.* 

Afterwards however he is diverted from this by the olive- 
branch which the dove brought to Noah in the ark, and with 
reference to the announcement above-mentioned made by the 
queen of Sheba : — 

" En el Libano le puso 

Y como cosa divina 
Los siglos le veneraron 

Y los hombres le accreditan 
Por palma, cedro y cipres."* 

This is the tree beneath which the queen of Sheba rests 
before she comes to Solomon. Here the well-known incidents 
are brought into connection ; the felling of the tree for the 
building of the temple, when the threefold nature of the tree is 
declared, explained ; its not fitting to the temple, its lying in 
the garden, and its being afterwards employed to form a bridge 
over the brook Kedron. But when Solomon would conduct the 
queen across the bridge, she starts back affrighted, and then 
reveals the secret of its past history and its future destination : — 

" Y asi no admires, que sobre 
Hoy a tu fabrica rica, 
Si para templo mijor 
Le guarda el cielo, y destina ; 
Pues ya parece que veo, 
Que sobre su cuello estriba 
Otra fabrica mas bella, 
Que ha de ser f&brica viva." w 

In which the crucified Redeemer is depicted. 

(3). The Cross as the Tree of Life. — Thus the thoughts which 
paradise awakens, whether in respect of death or life, meet as at 
a common point of attraction in the cross of Christ. But with- 
out reference to the paradisaical type, we see them both in the 
cross, since the Redeemer died on it and conquered death. Also 
for the redeemed, who obtain through his death eternal life ; 
the cross is not only a sign of death but also of life. And in 
this way it is celebrated in hymns and in homilies, as the very 
wood or tree of life. 

* La SibUa del Or., join, ii., Esc. 2. Ed. Keil, iii. 209. 
' tiibila del Oriente, iom. iii., Esc. 7. Ed. Keil, iii. 217. 
" Sib. del Or., jorn. iii., Esc. 7. Ed. Keil, iii. 217. 



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48 The Tree of Life. [October, 

(1). This name is associated with the real cross of Christ, 
said to have been discovered in the fourth century, and appears 
primarily in a series of monuments in the Grecian church. In 
the second half of that century lived Macrina, sister of Gregory 
of Nyssa, who in her biography writes of her ; there was found 
on her dead body an iron ring, which she constantly wore at her 
heart ; it was broken, and contained, it is said, " a piece of the 
wood of life," the sign of the cross being engraven on its out- 
side. The name is found also in the Greek inscriptions of 
several precious crosses which were erected by the later Byzan- 
tine emperors. One of these, from the first half of the tenth 
century, at present in Weiiburg, contains a dedication by the 
emperors Constantine VII., Porphyrogenitus, and Romanus I., 
Lecapenus, which thus begins, — " God has stretched out his 
hands on the tree of life, and through it has displayed his 
power." Another, from the first half of the twelfth century, at 
present in Venice, is dedicated to the Redeemer by the empress 
Irene Ducaene, consort of the emperor Alexius Comnenus, when 
she was near her death, according to the inscription, which 
thus begins, — " And this I bring to thee at length, now ap- 
proaching the gates of the underworld, as a holy consecration 
gift, the wood of life, on which thou didst resign thy spirit to 
the Father, and ended thy pains which thou didst patiently 
endure." 

This name for the cross appears in the Greek Church par- 
ticularly, also on occasion of the festivals of the cross, not only 
with a reference to the tree of life of paradise, as we have seen, 
but with allusion to the first Psalm, according to which, in an 
oration on the festival of the elevation of the cross, delivered by 
Andreas Cretensis, the cross is called a tree planted by the rivers 
of water; what water? — the Scriptures inspired by God, which 
are a tree of life to all who lay hold on them, as wisdom is 
called (Prov. iii. 18). The same Andreas terms the cross the 
tree of immortality (<bvrov and gvkov aOavaala? ); and the life- 
giving tree (^corjpov fu\ov). It is also called the root of life, in 
a sermon on the same festival by Joseph, archbishop of Thessa- 
lonica. Accordingly, its general name is equivalent to life- 
giving (§a)07roto9) in the heading of these festival sermons (irepl 
rov Tififov teal fyjoitoiov aravpov) ; and frequently in the text 
itself, also life-giving (5»o7rapo^o9 and £(oo&6tt)<;) ; and life- 
briuging (%uyr)<f>opo<;) , in the same sense as it is called saving or 
salvation-bringing. 

(2). In the Latin Church, the cross has also been celebrated 
in this sense in the hymns of ancient Christianity. In one of 
these, probably composed by the grammarian Victorinus in the 



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1864.] The Tree of Life. 49 

second half of the fourth century, and which has even been 
attributed to Cyprian, the cross is described as a tree, and Christ' 
himself as the tree of life; the last as follows : — 

" In very centre of the earth there lie9 
A place called Golgotha in the Hebrew tongue, 
Where, as I do remember, once there grew 
A tree hewn from a barren oak, which bore 
To mankind precious fruit, but it did yield 
None to the gardeners who did plant it, for 
A foreign race the blessed harvest reaped. 
This tree has but a single stem, and spreads 
Its branches out in even lines . . . 
Him that it bore as fruit, the earth received 
In her dark bosom, when he felt but soon 
As dawned, the light on the third day, behold, 
O great amaze, to heaven and earth he sprang 
Forth from the tomb, a living glorious branch, 
Bearing the fruit of life." 

The above-mentioned hymn of Fortunatus (Pange Lingua) 
near the end contains these lines : — 

" Crux fidelis inter omnes arbor una nobilis 
Silva talem nulla profert fronde, flore, germine 
Dulce ferrum, dulce lignum, dulce pondus sustinent. 

" Flecte ramos arbor alta, tensa laxa viscera, 
Et rigor lentescat ille quern dedit nativitas, 
Et superni membra regis tende miti stipite, 

" Sola digna tu fuisti ferre mundi victimam, 
Atque portum preparare area mundo naufrago 
Quern sacer cruor perunxit fusus Agni corpora."" 

In like manner, in the middle ages. There is a hymn com- 
posed in praise of the cross, by Adam of St. Victor, in the 
twelfth century (Laudes crude attollamus), the twelfth verse 
of which is : — 

" O crux, lignum triumphale 
Vera mundi salus, vale, 
Inter ligna nullum tale. 

Fronde, flore, germine : 
Medicina Christiana 
Salva sanos, aegros sana, 
Quod non valet vis humana 

Fit in tuo nomine." 

Then the hymn of Bonaventura in the thirteenth finds its 

. ^ 

■ Daniel, Thesaurus Hymnol., i., 161. • Hid., ii., 79. 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. IX. E 



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50 The Tree of Life. [October, 

proper place, to which however we shall return when we come to 
speak of the monuments. 2 * 

p The following seems worth insertion here : — 
" Vexilla regis prodeunt, 
Fulget crucis mysterium, 
Qua vita mortem pertulit, 
Et morte vitam protulit. 

" Impleta snnt qu» concinit 
David fideli carmine, 
Dicendo nationibns : 
Regnavit a ligno Deus. 

41 Arbor decora, et fulgida, 
Ornata regis purpura, 
Electa digno stipite, 
Tarn sancta membra tangere," etc.— Jr. 



The Bible, I say the Bible only, is the religion of Protestants. Whatsoever 
else they beleeve besides it, and the plaine krefragible, indubitable conse- 

?|uences of it, well may they behold it as a matter of opinion, but as matter of 
aith and religion, neither can they with coherence to their own grounds beleeve 
it themselves, nor require the bcliefe of it of others, without most high and most 
schismaticall presumption. I for my part, adds he, after a lone (and as I verily 
beleeve and hope) impartiall search of the true way to eternall happiness, doe 
professe plainly tnat I cannot find any rest for the sole of my foot, but upon this 
rock only. I see plainly and with mine own eyes, that there are popes against 
popes, councells against councells, some fathers against others, the same fathers 
against themselves, a consent of fathers of one age against a consent of fathers 
of another age, the church of one age against the church of another age. Tra- 
ditive interpretations of Scriptures are pretended, but there are few or none to be 
found ; no tradition but only of Scripture, can derive itselfe from the fountaine, 
but may be plainly prov'd either to have been brought in, in such an age after 
Christ ; or that in such an age it was not in. In a word, there is no sufficient 
certaintie but of Scripture only, for any considering man to build upon. This 
therefore, and this only I have reason to beleeve ; this I will professe, accrding 
to this I will live, and for this I will not only willingly, but even gladly loose 
my life, though I should be sorry that Christians should take it from me. Pro- 
pose me any thing out of this book, and require whether I beleeve it or no, and 
seeme it never so incomprehensible to humane reason, I will subscribe it hand 
and heart, as knowing no demonstration can be stronger than this, God hath 
said so, therefore it is true. In other things I will take no man's libcrtie of 
judgment from him ; neither shall any man take mine from me. I will think 
no man the worse man, nor the worse Christian. I will love no man the lesse, 
for differing in opinion with me. And what measure I meet to others I expect 
from them againe. I am fully assured that God does not, and therefore that 
men out not to require any more of any man, than this, to beleeve the Scripture 
to be God's Word, to endeavour to finde the true sense of it, and to live accord- 
ing to it. — William ChiUingworth. 



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1864.] ( 51 ) 

THE PARABLE OF THE RICH MAN AND LAZARUS. 4 

IV. 

The difficulties involved in the parable of Dives and Lazarus 
have been most ably stated by your correspondent, Mr. Flower. 
There are few persons who have attempted to expound this 
parable who have not felt the difficulty of giving a perfectly 
satisfactory explanation of it. Is the conclusion to which Mr. 
Flower evidently tends, that the parable was not uttered by our 
Lord, a necessary inference from the difficulties in question? 
Without maintaining that the whole of them are entirely 
removed by the following remarks, I commend them to Mr. 
Flower's attention, as it is evident that some portion of the case 
has escaped his observation. I will therefore discuss his reason- 
ing in the order in which it is presented by him. 

It must be admitted that a few passages have crept into the 
text of the Scriptures which never were written by the authors of 
the inspired books. It is therefore conceivable that this parable 
may have been introduced into St. Luke's Gospel in a similar 
way, if the internal evidence against it affords conclusive proof 
that it could not have been uttered by our Lord. The other 
passages of doubtful authenticity are wanting in some of the 
manuscripts. But if this passage must be rejected, it must be 
pronounced to be an interpolation entirely on internal evidence. 
It will also readily be admitted that the parable, as it stands in 
our present copies of St. Luke's Gospel, contains no words 
which directly attribute it to our Lord. But I cannot admit 
that the connection between Luke xvi. 18 and Luke xvii. would 
be equally good if the parable were expunged. 

At the opening of Luke xvii. our Lord warns the disciples of 
the sin of placing stumbling-blocks in the way of others. The 
point of transition from the parable to the warning given to the 
disciples is evidently contained in the parable itself. Dives had 
been a stumbling-block to his five brethren. He dreaded their 
arrival in Hades in an unrepentant state. He therefore wished 
Lazarus to be sent to them to testify unto them lest they also 
came to that place of torment. 

Now it is a most mysterious dispensation of Divine Provid- 
ence, that one man should be a stumbling-block to another, and 
a means of occasioning him to fall into sin, which sin he would 
have avoided but for his evil example. Our Lord in the begin- 
ning of Luke xvii. said that the existence of such stumbling- 
blocks was part of the appointed order of God's moral govern- 
_____ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 126—132, 290—309. 

E 2 



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52 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

ment of the world. But although it is the purpose of God that 
such stumbling-blocks should exist, it does not diminish the 
responsibility, or the sin of those who are the immediate causes 
of them. Now, as Dives had been a stumbling-block to his 
five brethren, nothing is more natural than that this solemn 
warning should follow the parable and be suggested by it. 

It must be conceded that there is a great difference between 
the structure of this parable and the apparatus employed in it, 
and that of the other parables unquestionably spoken by our 
Lord. Now is this difference so great as to afford sufficient 
evidence that this parable could not have been uttered by him ? 

I quite agree with Mr. Flower that we are not at liberty to 
make a new Gospel for ourselves by surmising or suggesting addi- 
tional circumstances to aid us in our interpretations. To ex- 
pound our Lord's parables, we have no right to assume the 
existence of anything which is not expressly stated or implied in 
them. Nothing would be a greater reflection on our Lord's 
divine character, than to suppose that he did not embody in his 
parables everything necessary for conveying the truth which he 
designed to teach. To assume the existence of circumstances not 
in the parables is to assert that they are capable of improvement. 

But Mr. Flower considers that the parable, accurately inter- 
preted, teaches compensation and retribution, and nothing else; 
that it represents Dives as miserable in Hades on account of the 
wealth which he enjoyed in this life, and Lazarus happy as a 
compensation for his sufferings endured here. If such is the 
unquestionable teaching of the parable, no amount of manu- 
script authority will avail to prove that it was ever uttered by 
the great Teacher come from God. 

But as in ascertaining their true meaning we are not at 
liberty to introduce any fresh circumstance into our Lord's 
parables which he did not utteT, or positively imply, so we must 
not omit any circumstance actually mentioned by him. This 
parable is not only absolutely unique in the apparatus which it 
employs, bnt it possesses another circumstance, which distin- 
guishes it from our Lord's other parables. To one of the actors 
in it it assigns a name. 

Now, our Lord has never introduced a name into any other 
parable uttered by him. In this parable, while the rich man is 
nameless, the beggar's name is explicitly given, " There was a 
certain beggar named Lazarus." Unless there was a special 
reason why the beggar should have a name, the parable might 
as well have run thus : " There was a certain rich man who was 
clothed in purple and fine linen, and who fared sumptuously 
every day ; and there was a certain beggar who was laid at his 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 53 

gate full of sores." As this is tlie only parable in which a name 
is introduced, we may conclude that the name itself forms a part 
of the apparatus of the parable, and that the parable can only 
be correctly interpreted by a distinct reference to the meaning 
of the name given to the beggar. 

Now the word Lazarus means " God a help." If, therefore, 
the name Lazarus is part of the apparatus of the parable, it con- 
tains the key to its right interpretation. Our Lord might as 
well have given him any other name ; but he has given him a 
name appropriate to the sense of the parable. When a fictitious 
name with an appropriate signification is thus assumed, it is 
equivalent to saying that the beggar's character corresponded 
with his name. This will enable us to expound the parable 
without the necessity of introducing, any matter or supposition 
not contained or implied in the parable itself. The parable will 
then run: " There was a certain rich man who was clothed in 
purple and fine linen, and who fared sumptuously every day ; 
and there was a certain beggar named God is my help, who was 
laid at his gate full of sores, and desiring to be fed with the 
crumbs which fell from the rich man's table. Moreover, the 
dogs came aud licked his sores." 

What then does the parable assert or expressly imply respect- 
ing the character of the rich man and the beggar ? Is the 
character of the beggar, as Mr. Flower thinks, without a single 
moral element ? His name contains the moral element in his 
character. He was one who, amidst all the trials and miseries 
of life, put his trust in God. But what respecting the 
character of Dives ? Is it that of a blameless rich man ? It is 
quite true that the parable does not assert that the character of 
Dives was morally worse than that of other worldly-minded 
rich men. He did what other rich men do. He ate and drank 
everything that was good, and clothed himself magnificently. 
In this there was no sin. Many religious men, whom God has 
blessed with the means, have done the same. It is a duty of 
those whom God has blessed with wealth to furnish employment 
by a liberal expenditure on articles of luxury. But we must not 
allow ourselves to contemplate Dives apart from the picture of 
the beggar lying at his gate. He was full of sores. He was 
desirous of being fed by the crumbs which fell from the rich 
man's table. This fare Lazarus most probably obtained, for this 
seems to be implied in the request of Dives for Lazarus to be 
sent to dip the tip of his finger in water to cool his tongue. 
The rich man seems to say, As in my day of life I gave an in- 
considerable favour which cost me nothing, so now in my day 
of suffering I crave of Lazarus a favour even less, a drop of 



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54 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

water from the tip of his finger to cool my tongue. The gift of 
the crumbs appears, therefore, to have been conceded to Lazarus, 
but with the same carelessness and indifference as a rich man 
might throw a penny to a passing beggar. . Dives was not dis- 
turbed in his enjoyments by the beggar's sufferings, nor made 
any effort to relieve them. But there is another circumstance 
in the parable which gives an additional touch to the rich man's 
character, and somewhat distinguishes it from common worldli- 
ness. "The dogs came and licked his sores." Dives, living in 
abundance, could easily have procured the means of having the 
.beggar's sores dressed. But he resembled the priest and the 
Levite, and although Lazarus was at his gate, must have care- 
lessly passed by on the other side, and could not have his plea- 
sures interrupted by so sickening a sight. What he failed to do 
the providence of God got done in another way, not by the 
ministry of men, but by the aid of an unclean beast. The dogs 
performed the office of dressing the beggar's sores. 

If then the character of Lazarus corresponds with his name, 
the parable does not represent the condition of Dives and 
Lazarus in the other world as simply dependant on their wealth 
or poverty in this world, but as the result of their moral charac- 
ter under the government of a righteous God. The beggar is 
represented as a man who trusted in God, notwithstanding the 
pressure of the deepest poverty, exasperated by the presence of 
a loathsome disease. Dives is depicted as a man devoted to 
worldly enjoyments, who was ready to throw a careless relief to 
the beggar, but who would not put himself in the smallest 
degree out of the way to relieve his misery, who, instead of pro- 
viding a plaister for the beggar, left the office of dressing his 
sores to be performed by the dogs. The portrait of Dives is 
that of a man devoid of all sense of moral obligation. 

But the concluding observations which are put into the 
mouth of Dives make it evident that he felt that there was a 
moral element in his sufferings. He says, respecting his brethren, 
" If one went unto them from the dead, they would repent." 
But of what would they repent ? Not surely of being rich, for 
the expression used by the Evangelist implies a change of heart 
and character. The repentance spoken of must, therefore, be a 
forsaking of that spirit of worldliness with which they had been 
animated. Abraham, in allusion to their repentance, uses the 
words, " Neither will they be persuaded." But of what would 
they not be persuaded? Not surely that the possession of 
wealth will inevitably superinduce suffering in the unseen world, 
or that the endurance of poverty will be compensated by enjoy- 
ment ; but that they will not be persuaded of the reality of the 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 55 

solemn truths written by Moses and the prophets. Of these 
truths Dives felt that he had not been persuaded during his day 
of life, though now, in Hades, he had awful experience of their 
reality. 

Mr. Flower considers that Abraham's answer to Dives is a 
direct negative to the idea, that the moral character of the 
parties had anything to do with their respective conditions in 
the unseen world. But in interpreting a parable we have no 
right to divorce a passage from its context, and say that it must 
have a particular meaning apart from all considerations derived 
from other portions of the parable. 

After the exordium, in which I maintain that a moral cha- 
racter is assigned to Dives and Lazarus, the parable proceeds, 
" And it came to pass that the beggar died, and was carried by 
the angels into Abraham's bosom. The rich man also died 
and was buried ." 

The burial of Dives is mentioned obviously for the purpose 
of shewing that he had attained to everything in this world 
which wealth can give. He had eaten and drank of all that was 
good, clothed himself gorgeously, and obtained the honours of 
a suitable funeral ; the attainment of all that a man can desire 
whose motto is, " Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." 
The beggar died also, after having suffered the extremest ills of 
life, and so both passed off from this earthly scene. 

We now come to the apparatus of the parable derived from 
the unseen world. Mr. Flower is of opinion that the existence 
of such an apparatus is a strong objection to the belief that the 
parable was really uttered by our Lord. The passage is un- 
questionably the only one in the New Testament, whether it be 
parable or reality, where a seeming attempt is made to with- 
draw that curtain which intercepts our view of the realities of 
the world beyond the grave. 

But before we can infer from this circumstance that the 
parable could not have been uttered by our Lord, we must prove 
that the use of the imagery in question is inconsistent with the 
purposes of the Gospel revelation, or that it is not adapted for 
teaching the spiritual truths designed to be set forth by the 
parable. Now there are two actions of our Lord recorded by 
the evangelists, which, when compared with his other actions, 
are quite as unique as the preternatural imagery employed in 
this parable — the destruction of the swine, and the cursing of 
the barren fig-tree. Are we on this account to deny that our 
Lord performed them? The next question at issue is, not is 
the imagery unique, but is it well adapted to convey the truth in- 
tended to be inferred ? Could the same truths have been pour- 



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56 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

trayed by imagery derived from those representations of common 
life, in which our Lord's other parables are couched. 

Mr. Flower also considers that it is a difficulty that both 
Dives and Lazarus are invested in Hades with the attributes of 
the flesh, and draws the conclusion that they are represented as 
having entered on their final state of retribution, which is con- 
trary to the statements of other Scriptures. But the investing 
them with corporeal form is a necessity of the parabolic repre- 
sentation, and was absolutely required, if any intelligible thought 
was to be conveyed to the human mind. But not one word is 
asserted as to whether Dives or Lazarus had entered on a final 
state of happiness or misery. On the contrary, the language 
applied to the happiness of Lazarus implies that he had not yet 
entered on the fulness of joy. Unless we suppose that the 
departed must exist in a state of insensibility, the parable does 
not contain one word inconsistent with those assertions of our 
Lord, that man's final condition will be determined by him here- 
after. It only asserts, respecting Dives, that his condition 
(whatever it was) did not admit of being relieved through the 
good will of any subordinate agent. 

After death then, perhaps while his funeral is being cele- 
brated with all solemnity, Dives, in Hades, is represented as 
lifting up his eyes in torment, and seeing Abraham afar off, and 
Lazarus in hi3 bosom. With the feelings of a genuine Jew, 
who could not believe that Abraham would suffer any of his 
descendants to enter the world of woe, he cries out, " Father 
Abraham, have mercy on me, and send Lazarus to dip the tip 
of his finger in water to cool my tongue, for I am tormented in 
this flame/' Dives, therefore, is represented in conformity with 
Jewish feelings, even in Hades, as addressing Abraham as father, 
and as looking up to him for relief. It is remarkable that this 
parable does not represent him as praying Abraham to deliver 
him from his sufferings, but only to afford him a slight alleviation. 
This seems like an admission that there was moral justice in his 
condition. He supplicates for some return from Lazarus for what 
he had received on earth, but certainly for less than he had given. 

Abraham's reply may be understood ironically. Dives, 
trusting to his fleshy descent, has invoked him as father, and 
asked his pity. Abraham, although he addresses him as son, 
implies no feeling of parental fondness. " Remember/' says he, 
"the difference of your states on earth. You received your 
good things; but he who made God his trust, evil things." 
What were these evil things ? Destitution, a loathsome disease, 
none but the unclean dogs to dress the beggars sores, even 
while lying at the rich man's gate. Is there no moral element 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 57 

here ? Would Dot Dives quite understand the reference ? 
" Remember/' says Abraham, " how you enjoyed in life your 
good things, and likewise Lazarus evil things. Now he is com- 
forted, and you are tormented." Would not the recollection of 
Dives naturally recur to his own pomp and luxury, and himself 
passing his gate and beholding the ulcerated beggar, destitute of 
a plaister, neglected by him, but licked by the dogs. 

Mr. P. does not attach much weight to the objection, that 
there are two reasons given why Dives could not obtain the alle- 
viation which he sought. But the second reason, as it stands in 
the parable, is a very important one, because it becomes the 
means of introducing a very considerable portion of the moral 
which the parable has in view. It distinctly points out that 
there was a divine decree, which rendered it impossible that the 
condition of Dives could be alleviated by any means at Abra- 
ham's command. If, therefore, it is the object of the parable to 
teach that while the means of grace are sufficient in this life, 
they are insufficient in the state beyond the grave, the assertion 
that there was an impassable gulf, intercepting all communi- 
cation between Abraham and Dives, is not a mere second 
reason, but an important and integral portion of the parable. 

What, then, is the spiritual truth which is intended to be 
taught by the parable ? Mr. Flower can see none, except a 
doctrine of compensation or retribution in the other world for 
what has been enjoyed or suffered in this. It seems to me that 
it is designed to teach four truths highly important to be known 
by man ; first, that although a worldly-minded man, who lives 
without a sense of duty, may have a great amount of enjoyment 
in this world, and that a God-trusting man may suffer the last 
extremities of poverty and disease, that after death the one enters 
on a state of retribution and the other of happiness ; secondly, 
that the consequences of worldliness, and living without a sense 
of responsibility, and in utter selfishness, are such that they are 
utterly irremediable by any help which can be afforded by one 
creature to another, and are beyond the reach of the means of 
grace ; thirdly, that the means of grace are sufficient, as long as 
men continue in this world, to work in them repentance and 
conversion ; fourthly, that no other motives which can be applied 
to the human heart, beyond those discovered by divine revela- 
tion, are adequate for that purpose. 

The last portion of the parable is particularly important, and 
is levelled against the strongest delusions of human nature, that 
there are other means which are powerful to awaken repentance 
in the human mind beyond careful attention to the solemn 
warnings of revelation, especially some extraordinary or miracu- 



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58 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

lous agency. Our Lord himself was in the habit of constantly 
encountering the delusion with which the minds of his oppo- 
nents were deeply shrouded, that they would believe in his 
divine mission if he would produce a different kind of miracu- 
lous testimony. Our Lord's opponents mistook the grounds of 
unbelief, asserting that they were intellectual, and not moral. 
In opposition to this view, it is the purpose of the concluding 
portion of the parable to assert that the groundwork of unbelief 
is essentially moral. To effect this, the strongest imagery is 
employed in the parable, " I pray thee, therefore, father," Dives 
is represented as saying, "that thou wilt send him to my 
father's house, for I have five brethren, that he may testify unto 
them, lest they also come into this place of torment." Nothing 
is at first sight more natural than the idea that if a spirit came 
from the unseen world, and testified of all its realities, that it 
would awaken men to repentance and faith. Abraham's reply 
is, They have Moses and the prophets; let them hear them, i. e. t 
they possess God's revelation on these subjects : let them attend 
to them and it. Abraham here asserts the sufficiency of that 
revelation to lead men to repentance. "Nay," says Dives, 
re-echoing the strongest feelings of human nature, " if one went 
unto them from the dead, they would repent." " No," repeats 
Abraham, " if they hear not Moses and the prophets, they will 
not be persuaded, though one rose from the dead." If God's 
revelation does not produce conversion of heart, the unfolding 
of the secrets of the unseen world would be powerless to create it. 

Is there here no great moral and spiritual truth worthy of the 
teacher come from God ? Perhaps there is hardly one which 
human reason would have been more impotent to discover in the 
whole pages of revelation. The belief that some extraordinary 
miraculous intervention, or a disclosure of the secrets of the 
unseen world, would awaken men's attention to the great truths 
of religion, and enforce them on their practice, is the root of all 
self-delusion. No, teaches our Lord, not even if a spirit were 
to pass from the unseen world and testify of its realities, would 
it move the unbeliever to repentance or faith. Nothing can 
effect that great change but the discovery of the divine character 
contained in his revelation. 

I have already disposed of the supposed want of connection 
between the parable and the following discourse of our Lord. 
I think it may be shewn to be not altogether unconnected with 
the preceding admonitions delivered to the Pharisees. It is 
perfectly true that the Pharisees were covetous, and not thought- 
less spendthrifts. Nor is there one word in the parable to imply 
that Dives was a spendthrift. All that is asserted is that he 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 59 

lived liberally. A man who is disposed to live liberally, and is 
intensely fond of worldly enjoyment, will naturally be covetous, 
because increased wealth will give him increased means of expen- 
diture. The number of misers, i. e., of those who love money 
for its own sake, and not for the power or the enjoyments which 
it can procure, is small. The great majority of those who are 
covetous, at least profess not to desire money simply for the 
purpose of hoarding, but as a means of procuring the enjoyments 
of life. The Pharisees, then, like all large bodies of avaricious 
men, must have professed to desire money not for the mere love 
of money, but for the sake of what it will command. Our Lord 
may well have spoken this parable against the Pharisees, not to 
condemn avarice in the perverted form in which it exists in the 
miser, but for the purpose of shewing to what end avarice and 
unconscientious disregard of duty conduct at last, when they have 
attained the very end which they profess to seek, the height of 
earthly enjoyment, which wealth and careless disregard of others 
can bestow — a burial for the body, while the soul is miserable in 
Hades, — a moral condition in the unseen world which is inacces- 
sible to the means of grace. From such a state it is vain to 
hope for deliverance, except by attending to the motives and 
warnings disclosed by Revelation. To teach such truths to man 
is worthy of the teacher come from God. C A "R w 



Although I cannot agree with Mr. Flower in his view of the 
non-genuineness of this parable, yet I cannot but think a great 
many of his remarks upon interpreters and commentators very 
just, and I fear that some of those who have written in reply to 
him have laid themselves open to animadversion, and even ridi- 
cule from persons inclined to scoff. Two of them have con- 
strued the dogs licking the sores of Lazarus into an act of 
kindness on the part of the dogs, and contrasted it with the 
cold neglect exhibited by the rich man. For my own part, 
having considerable doubts as to the beneficial effects of a dog's 
tongue upon ulcerated sores, and being of opinion that the men- 
tion of the dogs was simply intended to exhibit the utter help- 
lessness and misery of Lazarus, who was so weak and diseased 
as to be unable to prevent them from licking, and thus aggravat- 
ing his sores, I carried the question to a medical friend. His 
response was simply a hearty burst of laughter at the idea of the 
dogs thus performing a kind action to the poor beggar, and he fully 
corroborated my opinion, that Lazarus would never have allowed 
them to touch his sores had he been able to drive them away. 



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GO The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

It must also be remembered, that dogs are never spoken of 
in the Scriptures as the companions and friends of man. Tobit's 
dog is the only dog thus treated in the whole range of early 
Jewish literature. Unless we lay great stress on the dogs under 
their master's table of Matt. xv. 27, where the status of the 
dogs is somewhat doubtful. When not used as watch-dogs, dogs 
appear to have acted, in a half savage state, as the scavengers of 
towns, and such were apparently the dainty animals to whose 
tongues and insults the sores of Lazarus were exposed. Thus 
the mention of the dogs licking his sores would be a designed 
contrast to the " sumptuous fare " of the rich man. 

In the next place, it is justly observed by Mr. Flower, that 
it is nowhere stated or even implied that the rich man did not 
grant the prayer of Lazarus, and allow him the pieces of bread 
used as finger-napkins between the courses, and other things 
that fell from his table. The simple fact is, that it is not stated 
why the rich man was condemned, and the poor man exalted in 
the next life. It is simply said, that each of them had received 
in full (airo\afjL^dv€cv) his good and evil things respectively, 
whence it may fairly be inferred, that good reasons, whatever they 
were, existed for the distinction afterwards made between them. 

Thirdly, the question, whether this parable was an adapta- 
tion of an existing and current fiction, or whether it contains an 
actual revelation as to the future state, has not been elucidated, 
and it is very doubtful whether it can be, unless further infor- 
mation as to the literature of the Jews in our Lord's earthly 
lifetime be obtained. But if it can be shewn that the expres- 
sion, " Abraham's bosom/' was current among the Jews to 
signify a state of bliss at that time, — whether the parable were 
really original or adapted from one current among the Pharisees, 
— it would seem that the probability, that no revelation as to the 
future state is contained in the parable, would be the greater. 
And if the parable were an adaptation, the argument contained 
in it would come with much greater force against them at the 
moment, assailing them in fact with their own weapons on their 
own ground, although its difference from our Lord's other 
parables may give occasion for cavils now. 

It must be admitted that the parable appears to follow ver. 
15 more naturally than ver. 18, which it actually does follow. 
But I had rather suppose, that we have but a fragmentary sum- 
mary of the heads of our Lord's discourse to the Pharisees than 
resort to anything so violent as a transposition. The occurrence 
of such fragmentary passages is one of our best guarantees for 
the authenticity of the Gospels, and would in all probability have 
been carefully avoided in aeao^vafikvov yJvOoi, Thus the very 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 61 

difficulty, which undoubtedly exists here, is to me rather a mark 
of genuineness than otherwise. 

We find that the greatest heathen philosophers wrote entire 
treatises in order to obtain a negative result, t. e., to shew what 
was not the case, or what a thing was not ; why should not our 
Lord have composed and uttered a single parable with a negative 
object instead of, as usual, a positive object? All the ten com- 
mandments are negative, although the summaries of their im- 
port, given us by our Lord, are positive. If Plato wrote the 
Theeetetus simply to disprove various definitions of "knowledge," 
(eirtony/Ai/), why should not our Lord speak a parable simply to 
disprove the theory of the Pharisees, that riches and prosperity 
were a mark of God's favour, and poverty and misery of the 
contrary? No theory of compensation is thus propounded by 
the parable, but it is simply implied that men's worldly position 
gives no indication whatever of their future condition, which is 
determined by their conduct in their several positions, and the 
use they make of the circumstances in which they are placed. 
Mr. Flower's remarks upon the manner in which reasons for 
the misery of Dives and the bliss of Lazarus are forced into the 
parable, appear to me most just. No doubt such reasons must 
be supposed to have existed, but they are not stated, or intended 
to be stated, in the parable, but simply the facts which present 
a supposed case in direct contravention of the current theory of 
the Pharisees. 

The latter part of the parable appears to have a different and, 
indeed, a prophetic intention, which was not understood at the 
moment, but which would come home to every believing heart 
after the resurrection. Indeed, the former portion of the 
parable appears to me likely to have been the most forcible and 
important at the moment, while ever since the resurrection of 
our Lord its great value has consisted in its latter portion. To 
my mind, the violence done to the earlier portion of the parable 
by the majority of commentators, and that done to the whole of 
it by Mr. Flower under the influence of a not unnatural re- 
action, are equally uncritical. Several other remarks, which I 
should otherwise have made, have been anticipated by the very 
thoughtful reply to Mr. Flower, bearing the signature of Mr. 
J. L. Blake (pp. 297—304. A. H. W. 

P.S. — I cannot refrain from remarking on page 293, line 18, 
that also is not the usual translation of Se; and on page 305, 
line 7 from bottom, that the pluperfect (iPefikrjTo) is not, like the 
imperfect (airiXetxov) , generally considered to imply the frequent 
occurrence of an action. 



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62 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

VI. Rejoinder by the Author. 

The temperate and most able arguments of Mr. Blake, and of 
H. P., contained in the July No. of the J. S. L. } in answer to 
my remarks on this parable, would, I think, have been conclu- 
sive ; at least, they would have removed all doubt and difficulty 
from my own mind, if, indeed, the parable had been such, and 
only such, as they have assumed it to be ; but this, I think, is 
not the case. It seems to me that Mr. Blake has hardly ad- 
verted at all to what ought to be regarded as the most im- 
portant feature of the parable ; and further, that he, in some 
slight measure, and my other critics, without any restraint 
whatever, instead of reasoning upon the parable as we find it, 
persist in importing into it their own views of what it ought to 
have been, and then found their argument mainly upon this 
assumption. Although this method is not unusual in the dis- 
cussion of such topics, it is one in which I cannot acquiesce. 

It seems to be admitted on all hands, that the doctrine of 
compensation — that merely because a man was prosperous or 
unhappy in this world, his condition in the next would be 
reversed, — is not one which our Lord elsewhere taught, or was 
likely to teach ; and that, indeed, it would have been at variance 
with his undoubted teaching on other occasions; that it was not one 
of those heavenly truths which it was bis mission to declare. One 
of my critics calls it, and I presume rightly, an Ebionite dogma. 

It was because I considered that the parable, when read in 
its plain and obvious sense and meaning, was calculated to teach 
this doctrine, and only this, that I was first led to doubt of its 
authorship ; and those doubts even the admirable argument of 
Mr. Blake has not removed ; for, indeed, he has hardly noticed 
this, which must, I think, be regarded as the hinge on which the 
parable rests. 

As I read it, and I think I read it aright, the patriarch is 
represented as attributing the rich man's sufferings solely to the 
circumstance that he had received abundantly — in full — his good 
things in the course of his earthly life; and in the same way the 
felicity of Lazarus is attributed to the fact that he had received 
— received in full — his share of evil things ; and the doctrine of 
compensation, pure and simple, is thus of the very essence and 
substance of the parable. 

This view, I am told, is altogether erroneous ; let us, then, 
reconsider the narrative. 

The rich man is described as beseeching the patriarch to 
allow Lazarus to alleviate his sufferings by bringing him a drop 
of water to cool his parched tongue, and with this request the 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 63 

patriarch refuses to comply. But why? He does not reproach 
the applicant with having despised Lazarus, and neglected to 
relieve his misery, nor with the vices of luxury and sensuality, 
nor, indeed, with any other fault or crime. 

The answer to the application, which distinctly embodies the 
reason for the refusal, is this, and only this : Remember — 
remember what ? — that thou hast received thy full share of 
good things in thy life time ; nothing more is left for thee : and 
now, — on that account, — thou art tormented ; and (in the same 
way) Lazarus having received his full share of evil things, now, 
—on that account, — is comforted. 

But the parable does not end here. 

The patriarch continues his discourse. Let us carefully mark 
what follows : — "And besides all these considerations or reasons/ 9 
teal iirl iraaiv tovtoi?, — as an additional, — a subsidiary reason — 
why your prayer cannot be granted ; between us and you there 
is a great gulf fixed. Could any form of words be devised to 
shew more conclusively that the rich man's unhappy condition 
was attributed by the patriarch, only to the circumstance that he 
had already received his full share of good things ? 

If, indeed, the parable had not contained this remarkable 
dialogue, — if the patriarch had been represented as refusing the 
rich man's request without assigning any reason whatever for 
the refusal, — we might well have assumed that the divine justice 
(for some reason which was not stated) had required and enforced 
the punishment of the rich man, and the reward of the poor ; 
and in this case, while there would have been no inconsistency 
between the parable and our Lord's usual teaching, the lesson 
which, it is said, it was intended here to teach, would (if it had 
been intended) have been equally apparent. But as it is, the 
reason thus assigned in express terms for the infliction of the rich 
man's torment, effectually excludes all conjecture and all assump- 
tion ; and in this point of view, since it is admitted that the doc- 
trine thus taught was " not only utterly unlike our Lord's teach- 
ing, but utterly opposed to it," we are surely at liberty to doubt 
of the divine authorship of the parable, assuming (as we may justly 
do) from the Evangelist's silence — his unwonted silence — on the 
subject, that the question of authorship is left an open question. 

In my previous remarks upon this subject, I had occasion to 
notice, that, unlike the undoubted parables of our Lord, this had 
no relation to those portions of the discourse, which, in the 
narrative of the Evangelist, precede and follow it. Two of those 
gentlemen who have criticized my paper have laboured much to 
shew that this view was erroneous. I confidently leave the 
point to the judgment of my readers. 



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64 Tfie Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

Both my opponents observe that I have not adverted to the 
circumstance, that in the original the connecting particle Bi (and, 
or but) is found prefixed to this parable, which those who trans- 
lated (may we not say paraphrased our version ?) have omitted to 
insert. Perhaps they thought there was good reason for the 
omission. I think there was ; and I observe that it is omitted 
also in the Vulgate. However, since it is insisted on, let us 
restore this " missing link," and see in what context the parable 
is thus placed. The sentence will then read thus : " Whosoever 
putteth away his wife, and marrieth another, committeth adul- 
tery, and whosoever marrieth her that is put away committeth 
adultery ; but (or and) there was a certain rich man which was 
clothed in purple and fine linen," etc. Does not this arrange- 
ment fully bear out my statement ? Can my opponents affirm, 
or even imagine, that the parable has the least bearing upon, or 
connection with, the lesson here taught, that a polygamous mar- 
riage was neither more nor less than adultery. So far, indeed, 
from suggesting anything of the kind, they themselves think fit 
to assume (as will presently be seen without sufficient warrant) 
that the parable had an entirely different application, and was 
meant to reprove a sin of an entirely different kind. 

But it is said that the parable of the Unjust Steward, which 
Mr. Prescott considers (I think erroneously) to be intimately 
connected with this, is introduced by precisely the same expres- 
sion, " There was a certain rich man." But, surely, it cannot 
be pretended that by reason of our Lord's allusion to one rich 
man in a parable which was connected with his discourse, and 
which the Evangelist tells us was uttered by him, we are bound 
to accept as his the parable of another rich man, which, as we 
have seen, was not connected, or consonant, with his teachings, 
and was not ascribed to him by the Evangelist. Is it not, at 
least, possible that the mention of one rich man in the Gospel 
may have suggested to some early transcriber, perhaps, even to 
the Evangelist, to introduce the parable of another rich man 
with which he was familiar ? If, as is well known, the passage iu 
St. John's gospel, as to the angel troubling the waters, and that 
in the Epistle, as to the three heavenly witnesses, are additions 
to the Gospel and the Epistle, is it not, at least, possible that 
this parable, or, at least, the dialogue between Abraham and 
Dives, may be so likewise ? In any event, if we are satisfied that 
there is good ground to doubt if the parable was spoken by our 
Lord, it seems reasonable, although not necessary, to conjecture 
that it may have been added by some later writer, rather than 
that it formed part of the original Gospel. 

One of my critics has suggested that the difficulty caused 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. G5 

by the want of connection between the parable and its context 
(a difficulty of which he evidently feels the force), may have 
been caused by transposition, and that the parable would follow 
most naturally as a practical illustration of the conclusion of 
the thirteenth verse. To this I answer, that the doubt as to the 
divine authorship of the parable is chiefly due, not to its place, 
but to its character ; the want of connection with the context is 
only an ancillary ground for doubt; by itself it would be of 
little importance, but most important in combination with the 
other reasons assigned. The most ancient codices all agree in 
placing the parable where we now find it, and that ancient 
Christian testimony, under whose flag it seems we ought to 
range ourselves, has never, that I am aware, sanctioned or even 
suggested such a transposition. If transposed at all, the trans- 
position was made before Augustine's time, since he received . 
it in the order in which we now have it. Besides, if we are 
at liberty to transpose when it suits our views, may we not 
also be at liberty to reject, since in either case we do but mould 
the canon in order to suit our own notion of what the writer 
intended ? Nor even if we should adopt the method thus sug- 
gested, would the difficulty be removed or even alleviated. We 
cannot reject the intervening verses (15 — 18) ; and if not, where 
can we place them better than they are now placed, or as well? 
Mr. Prescott indeed proposes to place them in a kind of paren- 
thesis, forgetting, as it would seem, that he has also insisted 
that we could not require a stronger link than the particle $4, 
which, he says, connects the parable with the lesson contained 
in the verse immediately preceding. 

Further, the parable clearly cannot be attributed to the 
lesson taught in the thirteenth and fourteenth verses. Our Lord 
is there reproving the sin of covetousness and avarice, whereas 
this parable, if directed against any sin or vice at all, could only 
apply to the very opposite vice of luxury or prodigality ; it is 
not a miser or covetous man that is spoken of, but one who was 
clothed in expensive raiment and fared splendidly. It may be 
true, as Archbishop Trench has observed, that both vices spring 
from unbelief, but it is not true that our Lord was accustomed 
to reprove one vice by an example or parable shewing the ill 
effects of the very opposite. 

It remains now to consider what my opponents propose to 
substitute for that which they propose to omit. It will be seen, 
that following in the steps of Archbishop Trench and many 
other commentators, they persist in reading the parable as if it 
attributed to the rich man an inhuman disregard of the poor 
man's necessities. This was the view taken by St. Augustine ; 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. P 



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66 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

the Church of Rome adopted his version, and the writers of the 
Reformed Churches in this, as in many other more important 
particulars, have implicitly followed the Church of Rome ; and 
this, I presume, is that ancient Christian testimony which ought, 
in Mr. Prescott's view, to supersede the necessity for the 
investigation of difficult passages of Scripture. We are told, 
" that a poor man diseased, starving, imploring to be fed with 
the scraps from the rich man's table, one for whom the very 
dogs cared, lay at his gate ; but love is quenched by sensual in- 
dulgence, he passed him by, despised and neglected him. The 
beggar evidently never received any of his good things." And 
again, "it was not because the rich man had received good 
things that he was in the place of torment, but because he had 
misused them, made them his alone." And H. P. also says, 
that the parable teaches righteous retribution for the sin of 
Dives, in his hard-hearted contempt of the poor, and luxurious 
squandering on self. 

Notwithstanding, however, the authority arrayed against 
me, I am compelled to affirm, or reaffirm, that this view of the 
case is utterly unwarranted and erroneous, and that even that 
ancient Christian testimony under whose flag one of my critics 
professes to shield himself, cannot avail to save it from con- 
demnation. That, in fact, Mr. Prescott has here composed a ro- 
mance or Scripture mystery, which he takes, and would have 
his readers accept, for the Scripture. 

Not one word occurs in the Gospel from which it can be in- 
ferred that the rich man even knew of the existence of Lazarus, 
much less that he treated him with inhumanity and con- 
tempt ; the only relation that is stated to have existed between 
them is, that Lazarus was placed at the gate, or rather in the 
porch, of the rich man's house, in order that he might receive 
his share of the broken fragments which then, as now, were fre- 
quently distributed to the necessitous at the gates or porches of 
the rich. If in our own time, it were found that some poor 
beggar went daily to the gate of Lambeth Palace, or St. James's, 
to receive broken bread and meat, surely no one would venture, 
on that account, to impute inhumanity and hard-heartedness to 
the Primate or the Queen ; and yet such a transaction would be 
the exact parallel of the narrative. 

But not only is it thus evident that the narrative contains 
no imputation or suggestion of a want of charity on the part of 
Dives ; but we may very well conclude from what is said, that 
such an intention was not in the mind of the author. 

The beggar was laid at the rich man's gate or porch not be- 
cause he was not relieved there, but because he was — ifiepkrjro 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 67 

—he was accustomed to be laid there — usually laid there — be- 
cause he desired and looked for — iwi0vfi&p — the relief, which 
could hardly have been the case had he not been in the habit of 
receiving it. Moreover as Dean Alford has well observed, the 
words which immediately follow with reference to the dogs 
(aWct koX oi icvves) imply that he got the fragments which he 
both needed and desired. And further, as has already been 
noticed, the patriarch is represented as assigning as a reason for 
the torment suffered by the rich man, not that he had neglected 
or despised his poor fellow creature, but that he had had his 
full share of good things in this life, — that he had exhausted his 

Eortion, and just in the same way (and this has an important 
earing on this part of the argument) Lazarus is represented as 
enjoying felicity, not for his charity or good works, but because 
he had had his full share of affliction. Can we suppose that the 
patriarch was represented as suppressing the true ground for his 
refusal to relieve the rich man, and substituting for it a mere 
pretext? 

Having dealt with the parable in the manner above de- 
scribed, my opponents may well take credit, that by their mode 
of interpretation it forms an harmonious picture, consonant with 
itself in every part. It may be fully admitted that they have 
made an harmonious picture, but is it not their work rather than 
that of the author ? Nothing indeed is easier, if we are at liberty 
to obliterate that which seems to us not to harmonize, and supply 
its place by something which does ; and this can readily be done 
by the ingenious device so often practised of suggesting an 
" undercurrent of thought" But is this a method sanctioned 
by ancient Christian testimony ? I think not, although I confess 
that it is not seldom practised in our own time. The dignity 
and importance of the subject seem often to be used as pretexts 
for treating it with indignitv. Modes of reasoning are adopted 
in theology which, in any otlier science, would neither be allowed 
nor attempted, and it is to this, amongst other causes, that we 
may attribute the low ebb to which this, the most important 
and interesting of all sciences, has fallen. 

It is especially to be borne in mind, when considering the 
subject under this aspect, that we are dealing not with a narra- 
tive, but with a parable — an illustration of a lesson or argument. 
In a narrative, the author may well omit many circumstances ; 
some he may deem immaterial, while others may not have come 
within his knowledge; but with a parable it is quite otherwise. 
The author must be considered to have said all that he means, 
and no more ; the argument is his, and his only ; be is " dominus 
litis ;" and the illustrations by means of which he enforces or ex- 

f 2 



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68 The Parable of the Rich Man and Laza)*us. [October, 

plains his argument are also his, and his alone. To affirm that he 
did not mean what he has said, or that he has said what he did 
not mean, — to suggest undercurrents of thought, of which no trace 
is to be found, is neither more nor less than to suggest that the 
author was incompetent to the work he had undertaken — that 
he did not know how to conduct his argument — that in this case 
the parable was deficient, and that we are at liberty to supply 
its defects. The mere possession of riches here is not a good 
ground for torments hereafter ; it must therefore be left out of 
consideration, — a new one must be found ; sacrilege or murder 
might have done, but under the circumstances, inhumanity to 
the other personage spoken of seems most appropriate. What 
should we think of any one who would venture thus to deal 
with the Sermon on the Mount, or with any of our Lord's para- 
bles? And is not this very attempt of my opponents to amend 
and supplement the parable by their own suggestions, equivalent 
to a statement by them, not by me, that it was an imperfect 
work? 

And here I shall cite a passage from a work of a popular 
commentator of our own time, which was designed to strengthen 
the faith of the wavering and feeble-minded. What is thus 
quoted is indeed altogether in discord with previous portions of 
the same essay, in which we are told that it would not be diffi- 
cult to shew, " that in very many passages (of Scripture) mean- 
ings must certainly be admitted which it may be probable were 
not intended by the author ;" and that the " instances in which 
words have been found to involve meanings not recognized at 
the time by the reader or writer," " are by no means few or 
exceptional." I confess my inability to understand how a writer's 
words are to be taken to mean that which he did not intend, 
and of which he was unconscious. That, however, is the author's 
affair, not mine ; I quote him here both as against himself and 
my opponents, because what is said, although not particularly 
new, is so appropriate that it might almost have been intended 
for their reproof. 

" The first rule," (for the interpretation of Scripture) " is an extremely 
obvious one, yet a rule which, if it had been always followed, would have 
spared the Church a large amount of bitterness and controversy. It is 
simply this, — ascertain, as clearly as it may be possible, the literal and 
grammatical meaning of the words. In other words, ascertain first what 
is the ordinary lexical meaning of the individual words, and next, what, 
according to the ordinary rules of syntax, is the first and simplest mean- 
ing of the sentence which they make up. Still it must be clear to every 
quiet observer, that there is a strong desire evinced in many quarters to 
evade the rule, and, under cover of escape from pedantry, to endeavour to 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 69 

make Scripture mean what we think, or what we wish, not what it really 
says to us. The mode of procedure is simple, but effective. We are first 
told, as Chrysostom told us long ago, that we are to catch the spirit of 
the author, and next invited to take a step onward, and do what that 
great interpreter neither did nor sanctioned, — rectify by the aid of our 
own c verifying faculty ' the imperfect utterance of words of which it is 
assumed we have caught the real and intended meaning. No mode of 
interpretation is more completely fascinating than this intuitional method, 
none that is more thoroughly welcome to the excessive self-sufficiency in 
regard to Scriptural interpretation, of which we are now having so much 
clear and so much melancholy evidence. To sit calmly in our studies, to 
give force and meaning to the faltering utterances of inspired men, to 
correct the tottering logic of an Apostle, to clear up misconceptions of an 
Evangelist, and to do this without dust and toil, without expositors and 
without versions, without anxieties about the meanings of particles, or 
humiliations at discoveries of lacking scholarship, — to do all this, thus 
easily and serenely, is the temptation held out ; and the weak, the vain, 
the ignorant, and the prejudiced, are clearly proving unable to resist it. 
Hence the necessity of a return to first principles, however homely they 
may appear." — Ellicott, " On Scripture and its Interpretation," in Aids 
to Faith, pp. 399, 427. 

Exception has been taken to my observation, that this parable 
in its composition — in what I have ventured to term its appa- 
ratus — widely differed from those which were beyond all ques- 
tion spoken by Christ. But on a careful reconsideration I find 
no reason to modify or retract that opinion. Here we find the 
future conditions of reward and punishment anticipated or ante- 
dated. The saved and condemned are represented as conversing 
and reasoning together across a vast gulf or chasm. Human 
affections and passions surviving human life. It is Abraham, 
and not God or Christ, who is represented as the sovereign 
ruler of the future state, for it is to Abraham alone that 
Dives addresses his prayer, and it is Abraham who refuses it. 
As I contend (and I think with success) he is represented as 
assigning a reason, which it is agreed is incompatible with Chris- 
tian doctrine, and he omits to notice that which we are told was 
the real reason, and thus (if we adopt my opponents' view) he 
is to be considered as saying that which he did not mean, and 
meaning what he did not say ; and then, having given a reason 
why the prayer ought not to be refused, he is represented as 
adding that it was impossible to comply with it, as if the power 
which placed these men where they were, could not also remove 
them. I do not venture, nor have I ventured, to suggest, that 
such a parable could not have been spoken by Christ ; but not- 
withstanding the arguments on the other side, I affirm, with 
confidence, that in these respects it widely differs from every 



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70 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

one of his undoubted parables. We cannot recognize here the 
perfect simplicity and artlessness, may we not say homeliness, 
which characterize the Lost Silver, and the Prodigal Son, and 
indeed every one of those beautiful apologues, by means of 
which the Great Teacher was accustomed to deliver those divine 
truths which he condescended to announce. 

If, indeed, anything were wanting to shew the great dissi- 
milarity between this and our Lord's parables, it might be 
found in this, — that whereas His parables are so simple and 
so practical that the peasant and the child alike can, and do, 
read them with pleasure and profit, understanding them in one 
and the same sense, we can hardly find two critics or commen- 
tators who are agreed as to the lesson to be gathered from this. 

St. Augustine says that it may be understood as typifying, 
or representing, Christ in the person of Lazarus ; the Pharisees 
are the rich man ; the crumbs are works of mercy and justice ; 
the wounds are the incarnation ; and the dogs are the Gen- 
tiles, etc.* Archbishop Trench seems to think that it was in- 
tended to rebuke profuseness or prodigal excess in living, 
springing from unbelief. Another no less able critic has sug- 
gested that the parable was intended to enjoin love to God, and 
a desire for an inheritance in heaven. 

Nor are the views of my five critics less varied ; each inter- 
prets the parable differently from the rest, and we are thus 
engaged in a sort of hexagonal contest. Mr. Prescott says that 
the parable was intended to inculcate that love from man to 
man, of which the Pharisees had so strongly shewn their 
want; but he also says, that by means of the connecting 
particle (Si) it is intimately linked to the preceding pas- 
sage, which relates solely to adultery, and if so, it must be 
taken to be in reproof of that sin. Mr. Blake, on the other 
hand, regards this as the supplement or continuation of the 
parable of the Unjust Steward, and he says that the appro- 
priate lesson for the Pharisees to learn would have been a reso- 
lution to be henceforth less Pharisaically exacting, and to use 
the remaining period of their stewardship, if still unjustly, at 
least more mercifully. Again, H. P. considers that the parable 
teaches righteous retribution for hard-hearted contempt of the 
poor, and luxurious squandering on self, and that it was thus 
addressed to the Pharisees. Mr. Row, on the other hand, con- 
siders that it was addressed to the disciples, and was connected 
with John xvii. ; and was thus intended to enforce our Lord's 
warning against the sin of placing stumbling-blocks in the way 

* QuacMtionum Evangtlicarum, lib. 2, cap. 38. 

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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 71 

of others. A. H. W. suggests that our Lord might have spoken 
this parable simply to disprove the theory of the Pharisees, that 
riches and prosperity were a mark of God's favour, and poverty 
and misery of the contrary. 

"In universalibus latet error" If a parable may thus be 
construed to mean anything and everything in general, accord- 
ing to the varying fancies of its expositors, it must cease to mean 
anything in particular. If it is thus alike uncertain, (even to 
learned and able men,) to whom it was addressed, and what it 
was designed to teach, does it not so far fail to answer the 
end or function of a parable, that we may, without rashness or 
presumption, entertain doubts of the authorship ? 

It will not fail to be observed that my opponents have 
omitted to notice an important portion of this argument. It is 
evident that the parable is designed to represent the personages 
spoken of, as exactly the foils or contrasts of each other. But 
the happiness of Lazarus is in no sense attributed to his virtues 
or moral excellencies of any kind, and no one, until now, ever 
thought of attributing any to him. It is because he had had 
his full share of evil things in this life, and only on that account 
that he is represented as reposing on Abraham's bosom. And 
the exact contrast which it seems obviously intended to 
draw, could only be rendered perfect by representing Dives 
as tormented, not on account of his vices or delinquencies, 
but because he had had his full share of the good things of 
this life. In any other view the symmetry of the parable would 
be lost. H. P. indeed argues, and Mr. Blake seems to do so too, 
that because Lazarus is represented as saved, we must take him to 
have been a man of blameless life. But this is to beg the whole 
question. Until it is clearly shewn who was the author of the 
parable, the statements which it may contain do not come within 
the category of divine truths, and no argument can be founded 
upon the assumption that they are such. 

Exception is taken by Mr. Prescott and Mr. Blake, to an 
observation contained in my former paper, that the representation 
in the parable that the righteous had already passed to their state 
of bliss, and the unrighteous to their punishment, was inconsistent 
with our Lord's teaching in the Gospel of St. Matthew, as to the 
events of the great day of judgment when the Son of God should 
come in his glory; and on this head I am reminded of our Lord's 
address to the thief on the cross, which, however, appears to 
have no bearing on the question. We are not to understand by 
this expression paradise generally, but simply " the paradise," 
"the garden;" our translators having in this and in 2 Col. 
xii. 4, and in very many other important instances, either 



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72 The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

through ignorance or carelessness, omitted to notice the definite 
article which occurs in the original. But whatever else we 
may gather from this mysterious expression, we are not at 
liberty to infer from it that the poor thief was at once trans- 
ported from the cross, to the regions of heavenly and perpetual 
felicity reserved for the saints of God. The garden was not 
heaven. He was to be with Christ, and Christ himself did 
not rise from Hades until the third day from the crucifixion ; 
nor did he ascend into heaven until many days after his resur- 
rection. 

Further than this, it cannot be argued that because the thief 
was to be in the garden, or the paradise, on the day of his 
death, that, therefore, we must understand that the wicked pass 
at once from this world to their state of punishment. Our 
Saviour never so taught; all his teachings have a contrary bear- 
ing, nor is there any passage in Scripture which favours such a 
belief. What I have advanced, therefore, as shewing the dis- 
crepancy between this parable and Christ's teaching, in this par- 
ticular, is in no way displaced. Mr. Prescott, indeed, observes 
that the separation immediately following death is described in 
the parable as irrevocable but not final. I cannot understand 
this distinction, which savours of a confused notion of purgatory. 

Surely it cannot be intended to assert, as Scripture doctrine, 
that the wicked are to be punished with grievous torments until 
the day of judgment, then to be judged according to their works, 
and then to be remitted afresh to their places of punishment. 
Yet from the tenor of Mr. Blake's and Mr. Prescott's observa- 
tions it would seem that this is their opinion. Whence derived 
I know not, but I think not from Scripture. 

In conclusion, I must ask leave to add a few words in my 
own vindication ; not for my own sake, but in the interest of 
free discussion, — in the interest of those who may write for, or 
read this Journal, — the only one, I believe, in which it is possible 
to consider questions of this kind fairly and reasonably, and at 
the same time with a due regard and respect to the inspired 
Word. I know, by experience, how little either of favour or 
justice is usually dealt out to those who impugn either traditional 
interpretation, or traditional methods of interpetation, but I did 
not expect that an argument on so important and interesting a 
subject would have been treated so unfairly as it has been 
treated by one of my three critics. 

I can only say, with reference to the passages of which I 
complain, that I have neither impugned, nor am I capable 
of impugning, the Scripture canon, or impairing or attempt- 
ing to impair its efficacy. That as regards the works of Strauss, 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 73 

De Wette, Seppe, Renan, and the Tubingen school, and the 
worst school of German writers (whoever they may be), I 
have neither praised them, nor quoted them, nor alluded to 
them, and for this sufficient reason, that I have never read one 
word of them, except casually in reviews and quotations ; and 
my only rationalism consists, in endeavouring, by the aid of those 
faculties which my Maker has given me, to apprehend, as best I 
may, the meaning of those Scriptures which are also his gift, 
and that, without the slightest regard, on the one hand, to 
French scoffing and German rationalism, and on the other, with 
very little regard to that teaching of ancient Christianity which 
I am accused of disparaging, knowing, as I do, how often that 
testimony has been appealed to, to extenuate or sanction crimes 
and cruelties, how many faults and follies, how many misinter- 
pretations and misrepresentations of Scripture, that phrase has 
been, and still is, used to cover. If my critic's rationalism had 
been of the same quality, he would have been more sparing of 
the censures to which I allude. 

Lastly, I must deprecate the usage of my critics in assuming 
that they are defending, and that / am in any way impeaching 
the decrees of divine justice. When such unfair assumptions are 
thus introduced into a discussion on either side, they seldom fail 
to beget counter assertions and assumptions, and so the argu- 
ment degenerates into a dispute. But this is not the way in 
which an argument should be conducted ; at least not in the 
pages of this Journal. 

Neither justice, nor any other of the divine attributes, is here 
at all in question. The contention is one of fact : — was, or was 
not, this parable spoken by our blessed Lord ? In the entire 
absence of any statement by the evangelists (whose testimony 
would have set the question at rest), I should be glad to learn 
what testimony is proposed to be substituted for theirs, so as to 
preclude our recourse to the only other means of ascertaining 
the truth, — a discussion, in a spirit becoming the importance of 
the subject, of the internal evidences afforded by the parable 
itself. 

Viewing the subject under this aspect, it appears to me that, 
inasmuch as the parable is unconnected with the context; is 
inconsistent with our Lord's teaching on other occasions ; and, 
unlike every one of His undoubted parables in its composition 
and structure, we may reasonably doubt if it be His. My 
opponents do not agree in these views, but on that account they 
are not justified in affirming that what is represented to have 
taken place was by the divine decree, and thus imputing to me 
a design to disparage the divine justice. In so doing, they 



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74s The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. [October, 

assume, in their own favour, the whole subject of the contro- 
versy, and unfairly distort the tenor of my argument. If I were 
disposed, as I am not, to follow their example, I might impute it 
to them, that they were disparaging the divine excellence and 
attributes by ascribing to our Lord sentiments unworthy of him ; 
they would repel the imputation with just indignation, yet 
such a proceeding would not be more unreasonable than Mr. 
Prescott's imputing to me a design to steal away some portion 
of the Christian canon ; than Mr. Blake's suggestion, that my 
remarks were calculated to confer human imperfection of 
thought, heart, or purpose, upon the ways and works of 
divine wisdom, power and love; or his statement that the 
difference in moral character and spiritual aspirations be- 
tween the two men is sufficiently evident, if we believe that 
God is just in deciding their fate after death. Surely a belief 
in the supreme justice of God may be quite consistent with a 
conviction that, since nothing is said or implied as to the moral 
character of the personages spoken of, it is not competent to 
us to imagine or assert it ; and that thus we may be permitted 
to doubt if the parable really proceeded from Him who spake as 
never man spake. 

After most of the preceding remarks were in type, the Editor 
permitted me to peruse the letters of Mr. C. A. Bow and 
A. H. W. (IV. and V.), but as neither time nor space are now 
available to consider them as fully and carefully as they deserve, 
I shall content myself with indicating shortly those points upon 
which I differ from the former of those gentlemen ; much that 
he has advanced having been, indeed, answered in the foregoing 
observations. With reference to his argument, founded upon 
the name given to Lazarus, it seems to me unreasonable to 
deduce' any inference whatever as to the moral character of the 
personage spoken of from the name given to him, especially 
when, as in this case, it was a common name with the people to 
whom the parable was spoken. Nor, if any inference be allow- 
able from the mere use of a name, would it follow that we must 
draw that which Mr. Bow proposes. God a help, may, perhaps, 
well be construed to imply that the person so named was poor 
and helpless as regarded man, — a despised and miserable crea- 
ture, who had no helper but that merciful Being who is the 
helper of all his creatures alike ; but it by no means follows that 
this name should afford any indication of the man's moral cha- 
racter. Nor, if such an inference could be drawn, would it 
materially affect the question. The difficulties which attend it 
(and which relate to the condition of Dives, and the causes of it) 



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1864.] The Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. 75 

might be alleviated, but would not be removed, even if we were 
to hold that Lazarus was an exemplary and blameless person. 
In that case, we should still be left to wonder and conjecture 
how it happened that the author of the parable had omitted to 
notice a circumstance so important, or, indeed, essential. 

There is much more force in the arguments which Mr. Row 
has so ably and lucidly stated, founded upon the second portion 
of this remarkable dialogue, and, but for the former portion, 
might have been conclusive. But if (as, I think, I have suc- 
ceeded in shewing) the rich man's misery is attributed by the 
patriarch solely to his possession of earthly prosperity, what 
follows as to the danger and repentance of his five brethren can 
in no way alter or impair the effect of the previous teaching, 
although it certainly does render the parable more difficult and 
obscure. It is of Dives only, and his fate, that we have to con- 
sider ; and, as regards him, the lesson was closed when the first 
request which he made was refused. The danger in which 
others were placed, and the remedy proposed, are immaterial 
topicsjas regards the main question. We are not at liberty to 
supersede the express declaration of the patriarch by any sug- 
gestions of our own. We have no right, as Dean Ellicott has 
observed, to clear up what we may consider " the misconceptions 
of an Evangelist," and if so, and if in this way nothing more is 
to be imputed to the rich man's five brethren than the enjoy- 
ment of wealth and prosperity, we are still left at a loss to 
conceive in what their peril consisted ; while, on the other hand, 
if we are at liberty to conclude, from what is said, that their 
character and conduct were indeed such as needed repentance, 
and that thus they differed from their brother, we cannot draw 
from their peril and their need of repentance any inference as to 
his moral character while on earth, or the justice of his final 
doom. 

August 20, 1864. c J. W. Flower. 

c As we do not think much more can weU be said on either side, we most 
here close the interesting discussion respecting the parable of the Rich Man 
and Lazarus. — Ed. /. & L. 



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( 76 ) [October, 



ANALOGY BETWEEN THE APOCALYPSE OF THE OLD 
TESTAMENT AND THAT OP THE NEW. 

The writer of an able article on the Apocalypse in the West- 
minster Review, October 1861, observes that, — 

" Borrowing freely from the elder prophets their imagery, their super- 
natural machinery, and their historical conceptions, the seer of the 
Revelation converts them with the privilege allowed to great creative 
genius to his own special purposes. . . . From Daniel he takes his histori- 
cal conception of Pagan empire, arising brute-Jike out of the sea ; his 
vision of the Son of Man now seen in the clouds, now seen in priestly 
and princelike attire by the side of the great river Hiddekel ; his king of 
the fierce countenance ; his Michael the great prince, the guardian angel of 
the sacred Hebrew nation; his resurrection, judgment, and kingdom of God." 

It will be the endeavour of this paper to shew, that with 
regard to the above-mentioned prophet, the obligations of the 
Beer of Patmos are most certain, and his " borrowings most 
systematic ;" and that whilst images are occasionally taken from 
other prophets, he almost acquires the character of a plagiarist 
in his servile imitation of Daniel. 

1. In tracing out this analogy we may notice first the 
doubtful position occupied by both writings in the canon : the 
former being reduced by the Jews to the rank of Hagiographa, and 
the latter classed by some critics among the Deutero-canonical, 
or books of the second order. The genuineness of the latter we 
know to have been questioned by the early Church. Speaking 
of canonical books, Eusebius says, " To these may be added, if 
it seem good, the Apocalypse of John. . . . which some reject, 
but others reckon among the acknowledged books."* The ana- 
logy between the two starts from the question of authorship : 
a doubt is thrown over the authenticity of both writings ; this 
hesitation, more than anything else, allowing a " liberty of pro- 
phesying" in their respective interpretation, which could not 
have been exercised in the case of books, whose authority had 
never been questioned. 

2. A second feature of resemblance is traceable in what may 
be called, for want of a better name, the apocalyptic character of 
both writings. After the period of the exile a new style of 
teaching took the place of legitimate prophecy. An angelic 
machinery was introduced to supply the lost "Word of the 
Lord" which came to the ancient prophet, and vision and 
symbol superseded the sublime sayings which fell from the lips 
of the seers of old. A supernatural element (possibly the result 

■ Eccles. Hist,, in., 25. 



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1864.] Analogy between the Apocalypse, etc. 77 

of contact with their eastern conquerors) became necessary in 
order to command respect, and a continuous angelology was 
exerted for the purpose of unfolding the divine decrees to men. 
These apocalyptic features distinguish the writings of Daniel 
and John from the other Scriptures : the Book of Daniel, with 
its abundant angelology, differing as completely from the writings 
of the captivity, as the Apocalypse from the gospels and epistles 
of the New Testament. 

3. The circumstances of persecution for conscience sake 
under which both appear to have been written, present also a 
remarkable conformity. The period with which the former is 
concerned is designated a " time of trouble such as never was 
since there was a nation even to that same time :" that of the 
latter as " the hour of temptation which shall come upon all 
the world to try them that dwell upon the earth." During the 
earlier season of trial " many are purified and made white and 
tried ;" under the latter the souls of white-robed martyrs are 
heard crying under the altar, " How long, O Lord, holy and 
true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that 
dwell on the earth." The duration over which these persecu- 
tions extend seems also to include an equal period. According to 
Daniel, the period is "a time, times, and an half;" or, "a thou- 
sand two hundred and ninety days." According to the seer of 
the Revelation, it is also " a time, times, aud an half;" or " a 
thousand two hundred and threescore days." 

4. A further agreement may be traced in the scope and 
design of the respective prophecies : the object of the earlier 
Apocalypse being to sustain the martyrs of the Maccabsean period 
under a season of religious persecution arising from the blas- 
phemous attempt of a heathen tyrant to subvert the religion of 
Jehovah : that of the latter to support the martyrs of the first 
century under the pressure of analogous calamities arising from 
the attempt of Nero to abolish the Christian faith. In either 
case the heathen appear to have concentrated their efforts 
against the faithful ; and the question at issue was the supre- 
macy of idolatry or the worship of the one Supreme God. 

5. A like analogy is to be noticed in the fate which overtakes 
equally the Syrian and Roman tyrant : that of the former being 
symbolized by " the beast slain and his body given to the burning 
flame ;" that of the latter by the evident parallelism of "the beast 
. . . taken, and cast alive into a lake of fire and brimstone." 

6. Other minor points of resemblance might be adduced, 
such as the compulsory worship of the golden image set up on 
the plain of Dura, contrasted with the compulsory worship of 
the image of the beast ; the resurrection of the faithful martyrs 



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78 



Analogy between the Apocalypse 



[October, 



when " many that slept in the dust of the earth should awake," 
corresponding with the first resurrection of those who had not 
worshipped the beast nor his image ; the book containing the 
names of those who should be delivered, agreeing with the 
"Lamb's book of life;" the consummation of the Syrian 
tyranny when "all these things should be finished," repro- 
duced in the consummation announced by the seventh angel, 
when " the mystery of God should be finished, as he hath de- 
clared to his servants the prophets." But perhaps enough has 
now been said to shew that a marked analogy exists between the 
first and the second Apocalypse, extending not only to the form 
and structure, but to the ideas and language employed by the 
respective writers. A sufficient reason for this may be found in 
the corresponding circumstances of the respective periods: similar 
seasons of persecution and suffering for conscience sake naturally 
evoking similarity of prophetic treatment. The author of the 
Apocalypse, as is not unusual with prophetic writers, regarding 
his predecessors' teaching as common property, and adapting it 
to the events of his own times. 

I. A principal feature adopted by both writers, and especially 
by the latter, is the frequent employment of angelic machinery. 
The analogy between them in this particular is of the most 
striking kind. By way of illustrating our principle, we shall 
subjoin in parallel columns the passages which describe the 
superhuman revealer of Daniel's visions, and those which de- 
lineate the appearance of the Son of Man. 

Angelic Messenger op Daniel. 

" Then I lifted up mine eyes, and 
looked, and behold a certain man 
clothed in linen, whose loins were 
girded with fine gold of Uphaz: his 
body also was like the beryl, and his 
face as the appearance of lightning, 
and his eves as lamps of fire, and his 
arms and his feet like in colour to 
polished brass, and the voice of his 
words like the voice of a multitude . . . 
And when 1 heard the voice of his 
words, then was I in a deep sleep on 
my face, and my face toward the 
ground" (Dan. x. 5, 6, 9). 

" I heard the man clothed in linen, 
which was upon the waters of the river, 
when he held up his right hand and 
his left hand unto heaven, and sware 
by him that liveth for ever that it 
shall be for a time, times, and an half; 
and when he shall have accomplished 
to scatter the power of the holy peo- 
ple, all these things shall be finished " 
(Dan. xii. 7). 



Appearance op the Son op Man. 

u One like unto the Son of Man, 
clothed with a garment down to the 
foot, and girt about the paps with a 
golden girdle. His head and his hairs 
were white like wool, as white as 
snow ; and his eyes were as a flame of 
fire ; and his feet like unto fine brass, 
as if they burned in a furnace ; and 
his voice as the sound of many waters 
. . . and his countenance was as the 
sun shinetb in his strength ; and when 
I saw him, 1 fell at his feet as dead " 
(Rev. i. 13—17). 

" And the angel which I saw stand 
upon the sea and upon the earth lifted 
up his hand to heaven, and sware by 
him that liveth for ever and ever . . . 
that there should be time no longer : 
but in the days of the voice of the 
seventh angel, when he shall begin to 
sound, the mystery of God should be 
finished " (Rev. x. 5—7). 



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1864.] of the Old Testament and that of the New. 79 

These passages, mutually compared, exhibit not merely 
general resemblance, but identity of thought and language. 
The man clothed in the priestly linen garment, " whose loins 
were girded with fine gold of Uphaz," corresponds with " the 
Son of Man, clothed with a garment down to the foot, and 
girt about the paps with a golden girdle/' His " body like the 
beryl, and his face as the appearance of lightning/' agrees with 
"his countenance as the sun shining in his strength." His 
" eyes as lamps of fire, and his arms and his feet like in colour 
to polished brass/ 9 are expressions analogous to " his eyes as a 
flame of fire, and his feet like unto fine brass, as if they burned 
in a furnace." " The voice of his words like the voice of a 
multitude," is reproduced in the " voice as the sound of many 
waters" or, " of a great multitude" (Rev. xix. 6 ) ; whilst the 
terror of the prophet at the greatness of the vision depicted in 
the words " there remained no strength in me. ... I was in a 
deep sleep on my face, and my face toward the ground," is 
repeated in the parallelism, " and when I saw him, I fell at his 
feet as dead." Similarly in the analogous visions of Dan. xii. 
and Rev. x., the man standing upon the waters of the river cor- 
responds with the angel standing upon the sea and upon the 
earth ; his invocation, when he " held up his right hand and his 
left hand unto heaven," is repeated in his " lifting up his hand 
to heaven :" his oath, when he " sware by him that liveth for 
ever," is reproduced in the similar oath of the Apocalyptic 
angel. The purport of the oath, that when the power of the 
holy people had been scattered for three and an half years the 
indignation should be accomplished, finds a parallel in the de- 
claration that " there should be time no longer" [no more delay] ; 
but in the days of the voice of the seventh angel, when he shall 
begin to sound, the mystery of God should be finished, as he 
hath declared to his servants the prophets. 

II. Having secured attention to the communication they are 
about to make by the introduction of the superhuman element 
into their respective prophecies, the Maccabaean writer and his 
ingenious imitator bring upon the scene of their historical 
dramas the great persecutors of the Jewish and Christian 
Churches, whose deeds of atrocity bear so close a resemblance 
that the description of the one serves as a pattern for that of the 
other. A comparison of the passages in which these are respec- 
tively described will shew the judgment of the seer in selecting 
for his model a character which answered so completely to that 
which he desired to delineate. 



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s 



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Analogy between the Apocalypse 



[October, 



Antiochus. 

44 I saw in the night visions, and 
behold a fourth beast (came up from 
the sea, vii. 3) . . . and it had ten 
horns" (Dan. vii. 7). 

44 I considered the horns, and, be- 
hold, there came up among them an- 
other little horn . . . and, behold, in this 
horn were eyes like the eyes of a man, 
and a mouth speaking great things " 
(Dan. vii. 8). 

Blasphemies of Aimocnus. 

" He shall speak great words against 
the most High " (Dan. vii. 25). 

44 He shall exalt himself and magnify 
himself above every god, and shall 
speak marvellous things against the 
God of gods, and shall prosper till the 
indignation be accomplished" (Dan. 
xi. 3G). 

Persecutions op Antiochus. 

44 The same horn made war with the 
saints, and prevailed against them " 
(Dan. vii. 21). 

44 He shall wear out the saints of the 
most High, and think to change times 
and laws " (Dan. vii! 25). 



Compulsory worship of Antiochus. 

44 Do ye not serve my gods, nor wor- 
ship the golden image which I have 
set up ... If ye worship not, ye shall 
be cast the same hour into the midst 
of a burning fiery furnace, and who is 
that God that shall deliver you out of 
my hands" (Dan. iv. 14, 15). 

' 4 Whosoever shall ask a petition of 
any God or man for thirty days, save 
of thee, O kine, shall be cast into the 
den of lions " [Dan. vi. 7). 

Duration of the Prrsbcution of 
Antiochus. 

44 They shall be given into his hand 
until a time, times, and the dividing of 
time" (Dan. vii. 25). 

44 It shall be for a time, times, and 
an half" (Dan. xii. 7). 

" From the time that the dailv sacri- 
fice shall be taken away, and the abo- 
mination that maketh desolate set up, 
there shall be a thousand two hundred 
and ninety days" (Dan. xii. 11). 



Nero. 

44 1 stood upon the sand of the sea, 
and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, 
having seven heads and teu horns " 
(Rev. xiii. \). 

44 And I beheld another beast com- 
ing up out of the earth, and he had 
two horns like a lamb, and he spake as 
a dragon " (Rev. xiii. 11). 



Blasphemies of Nero. 

44 And there was given unto him a 
mouth speaking great things and 
blasphemies . . . and he opened his 
mouth in blasphemy against God to 
blaspheme his name, and his taber- 
nacle, and them that dwell in hea- 
ven " (Rev. xiii. 5, 6). 



Persecutions of Nero. 

44 And it was given to him to make 
war with the saints, and to overcome 
them" (Rev. xiii. 7). 

44 The beast that ascendeth out of 
the bottomless pit shall make war 
against them, and shall overcome them 
and kill them " (Rev. xi. 7.) 

Compulsory worship of Nero. 

44 He had power to give life unto 
the image of the beast . . . and cause 
that as many as would not worship 
the image of the beast should be 
killed " (Rev. xiii. 15). 



44 He causeth the earth and them 
which dwell therein to worship the 
first beast, whose deadly wound was 
healed " (Rev. xiii. 12). 

Duration of the Persecution of 
Nero. 

44 Power was given unto him to con- 
tinue forty and two months " (Rev. 
xiii. 5). 

44 My two witnesses . . . shall pro- 
phesy a thousand two hundred and 
threescore days, clothed in sackcloth. 
. . . And when they shall have finished 
their testimony, the beast that ascend- 
eth out of the bottomless pit shall make 
war against them, and shall overcome 
them and kill them " (Rev. xi. 3, 7). 



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1864.] of the Old and the New Testaments. 81 

Destbuction of Antiochus. Destruction of Neho. 

" I beheld even till the beast was " These both (the beast and the false 

slain, and his body ^iven to the burn- prophet) were cast alive into a lake of 

ing flame" (Dan. vii. 11). fire, burning with brimstone" (Rev. 

44 He shall be broken without hand" xix. 20 ; xx. 10). 

(Dan. viii. 25). u The beast . . . shall go into perdi- 

" He shall come to his end, and none tion " (Rev. xvii. 8, 11). 
shall help him " (Dan. xi. 45). 

It would seem from an attentive consideration of the pre- 
ceding parallelisms, that the writer of the Apocalypse, availmg 
himself of that facility of adaptation for which he is remarkable, 
was led to consider the sacrilegious Syrian the prototype of the 
impious Roman, and to recognize in the madman Antiochus the 
precursor of the monster Nero. Perhaps it is not too much to 
say, that the identity between the persecutors could not have 
beeu introduced accidentally into their respective themes by the 
writers of Daniel and the Apocalypse. It appears to us indis- 
putable that the former must have been the prototype of which 
the latter was the voice and echo. The area of the former book 
is occupied with the description of a heathen king, who rises 
out of the ten horns of the fourth Grecian empire; is guilty of 
wanton blasphemy against the God of heaven; wears out the 
saints of the Most High by abominable tortures ; compels the 
Jewish people to forsake their own religion, and to worship the 
gods of his adoration ; whose persecutions continue for the space 
of three and a half years, but who is finally broken without 
(human) hand, and overthrown. The area of the latter is taken 
up with the description of his counterpart and antitype. As 
Antiochus rises from the fourth Grecian ten-horned beast of 
Daniel, so does Nero rise from the corresponding ten-horned 
Roman beast of John. He too is guilty of wanton blasphemy* 
against the God of heaven f wears out the Christian saints ; 
compels them to worship his image (the usual test to which the 
Christians were submitted)/ continues his persecutions for three 

* " Nero took up arms against that very religion which acknowledges the 
one true God. He was the first of the emperors which displayed- himself an 
enemy of piety towards the Deity. He publicly announced himself as the chief 
enemy of God" (Eus., His., ii M 25). The following is a specimen of the reli- 
gious adoration paid to him : returning to Rome after having been a conqueror 
in the Grecian games, he is received with these words, — " Victories Olympic ! 
Victories Pythian ! Thou august august — to Nero the Hercules — to Nero the 
Apollo. The only conqueror in the games of the circus — the eternal one- 
sacred voice. Happy those who hear thee " (Dio., Cass.) 

e " Commit your edicts ; there you will find that Nero was the first who 
savagely persecuted this sect, springing up chiefly at Rome, with the imperial 
swonl. But we even glory in such a leader of our punishment ; for whoever 
knows what he was, is able to understand that only some great and good thing 
could be condemned by Nero " (Tertullian, Apolog., v.) 

4 " I have taken this course about those who have been brought before me as 
NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. IX. G 



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82 Analogy between the Apocalypse [October, 

and a half years ; and at last perishes miserably, or in Apo- 
calyptic terms, " goeth into perdition." Surely this parallelism 
is not the result of chance. Letters thrown heedlessly upon 
the floor do not form themselves by accident into a beautiful 
poem, neither do emblems drawn at random from the mystical 
books of the Old and New Testaments, present analogies with- 
out design and purpose. The historical points of agreement 
already adduced seem to shew one of two things : either the 
latter writer must have imitated the former, or, as is not un- 
commonly held, the respective prophets must have treated of 
the same events. Mature consideration assures us of the fallacy 
of this last theory. It now appears to us that no satisfactory 
interpretation can be given, which does not recognize the fact 
that these prophecies are double one of another. But as we 
compare the identity of symbol and vision, thought and language, * 
structure and style, we cease to wonder that interpreters should 
have fallen into the pardonable mistake of applying the cha- 
racteristics by which Antiochus is distinguished to the circum- 
stances of Nero. 

III. In addition to the above-mentioned points of personal 
resemblance between the Syrian and Roman persecutors, other 
features of resemblance present themselves arising from the 
peculiar circumstances of the respective times. The period with 
which the narratives are concerned is one of suffering for con- 
science sake, when the blood of the saints was shed like water 
round about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them. This 
time of trouble is described by both writers in somewhat similar 
terms.; the endurance of the martyrs, under the Syrian tyranny, 
beiug reflected in that of those who suffered under the Neronic 
persecution. We subjoin a few of the most striking parallelisms. 

The Time of Trouble. The Time of Tbouble. 

4k There shall be a time of trouble "The hour of temptation which shall 

such as never was since there was a come upon all the world to try them 

nation even to that same time " (Dan. that dwell upon the earth " (Rev. iii. 

xii. 1). 10). 

The Martybs. The Mabtybs. 

" They shall fall by the sword, and ll I saw under the altar the souls of 

by flame, by captivity, and by spoil them that were slain for the Word of 

many days . . . and some of them of God, and for the testimony which they 

understanding shall fall, to try them, held ; and they cried with a loud voice, 

Christians ; if they persevered in their confessions, I ordered them to be exe- 
cuted." Of others who recanted the writer says, — ** These denied that they 
were Christians now or ever had been ; they called upon the gods and suppli- 
cated your image, which I caused to be brought to me for that purpose with 
frankincense and wine ; they also cursed Christ, none of which things it is said 
can any of those that are really Christians be compelled to do" (Plin., ad 
Traj., epist. 



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1864.] of the Old and the New Testaments. 



83 



and to purge, and to make them white, 
even to the time of the end " (Dan. xi 
33—36). v 

44 Many shall be purified and made 
white and tried " (Dan. xii. 10). 



Thb Book of Deliverance. 
"The judgment was set, and the 
books were opened ... at that time 
thy people shall be delivered every one 
that shall be found written in the 
Book" (Dan. vii. 10; xii. 1). 



The Resurrection. 
" Many of them that sleep in the 
dnst of the earth shall awake ; some 
to everlasting life, and some to shame 
and everlasting contempt" (Dan. 
xii. 2). 

The Blessing. 

" Blessed is he that waiteth, and 
cometh to the thousand three hundred 
and five and thirty days : but go thou 
thy way till the end be ; for thou 
shalt rest and stand in thy lot at the 
end of the days " (Dan. xii. 12, 13). 

44 Thev that be wise shall shine as 
the brightness of the firmament, and 
they that turn many to righteousness 
as the stars for ever and ever " f Dan. 
xii. 3). V 



saying, How long, O Lord, holy and 
true, dost thou not judge and avenge 
our blood on them that dwell on the 
earth ?» (Rev. vi. 9, 10). 

14 These are they which came out of 
great tribulation, and have washed 
their robes, and made them white in 
the blood of the Lamb " (Rev. vii. 14). 

The Book of Deliverance. 
44 1 saw the dead, small and great, 
stand before God, and the books were 
opened, and another book was opened 
which is the Book of life . . . and who- 
soever was not found written in the 
Book of life was cast into the lake of 
fire " (Rev. xx. 12, 15). 

The Resurrection. 
44 1 saw the souls of them that were 
beheaded for the witness of Jesus and 
for the Word of God ... and they 
lived and reigned with Christ a thou- 
sand years This is the first resur- 
rection " (Rev. xx. 4, 5). 

The Blessing. 

44 Blessed and holy is he that hath 
part in the first resurrection ; on such 
the second death hath no power ; but 
they shall be priests of God and of 
Christ, and shall reign with him a 
thousand vears " (Rev. xx. 6). 

44 And there shall be no night there ; 
and they need no candle, neither light 
of the sun ; for the Lord God giveth 
them light ; and they shall reign for 
ever and ever " (Rev. xxii. 5). 



The reader will not fail to have noticed in these parallel 
texts a marked correspondence of emblematical figure and verbal 
agreement. Strange and unusual ideas such as those of the 
" book » and the " resurrection," are employed by either 
prophet. The "time of trouble" of the former, re-appears in 
the "great tribulation" of the latter; and the "purified (ones) 
made white, and tried " of Daniel, in the " palms " and " white 
robes" of John. The distinct idea of a resurrection, when 
" many that slept in the dust of the earth should awake " (ex- 
plained by some of the political' restoration of the holy people) 
is peculiar to Daniel, and seems to have been elicited by the 
extraordinary sufferings of those days. Like the first resurrec- 

* "Reddita autera victorifi, et c»sis Antiochi ducibus, ipsoque Antiocho in 
Perside mortuo, salvatus est populus Israel, omncs qui scripti erant in libro 
Dei, hoc est, qui Legem fortissimo defendcrunt ; et contrarie qui deleft sunt de 
libro, hoc est, qui praevaricatores exstiterunt Legis, et Antiochi fuerunt par- 
tiura. Tunc, ait (Porphyrins) hi qui quasi in terrtc pulvore, dormiebant, et oporti 

o 2 



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84 Analogy between the Apocalypse [October, 

tion of the Apocalypse, it is partial, and reserved only for the 
faithful. This idea, of later growth than the period of the 
captivity, was familiar to the Maccabsean age. " The king of 
the world (says the second of the seven brethren martyred by 
Antiochus), shall raise us up who have died for his laws unto 
everlasting life." " It is good (said the fourth) being put to 
death by men, to look for hope from God to be raised up again 
by him ; as for thee, thou shalt have no resurrection to life." 
" Our brethren (said the seventh and last) who now have suffered 
a short pain, are dead under God's covenant of everlasting life ; 
but thou through the judgment of God shalt receive just punish- 
ment for thy pride" (2 Mac. vii. 9, 14, 36). That this expecta- 
tion was prevalent at the period for which we contend, is corro- 
borated by the testimony of the writer of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews. It is of the martyrs of the Maccabaean age that the 
words are spoken, " Women received their dead raised to life 
again ; and others were tortured not, accepting deliverance, that 
they might obtain a better resurrection " (Heb. xi. 35) . It is 
worthy of notice, that as the resurrection is the reward held 
out to the martyrs of the Syrian persecution by Daniel, so is 
the same recompence confined to the martyrs of the Neronic 
persecution by John. They who experience the " time of 
trouble" such as never was since there was a nation to that 
same time, are reproduced in those that were " beheaded " (ireire- 
XeKurfievoi) "for the witness of Jesus and for the Word of God;" 
and they who " shine as the brightness of the firmament and as 
the stars for ever and ever," in those who " live and reign with 
Christ a thousand years." 

From scenes of agonizing persecution at the hands of heathen 
tyrants, the former of whom appears to have been as desirous of 
subverting the Jewish religion as the latter of exterminating 
the Christian faith, these prophecies pass on to describe in 
parallel symbols the rescue to be effected by a mysterious de- 
liverer, and the subsequent judgment and kingdom of the saints. 
This champion is set forth under the superhuman title of the 
" Son of Man," a title little known to the ancient prophets, but 
familiar to writers of the Maccabaean -f period. He rescues the 
Jewish people from their heatheu oppressors ; exalts them above 
all the nations of the earth; establishes a kingdom which 

erant malorum pondore, et quasi in sepulchris miseriarurn reconditi, ad inspe- 
ratam victoriam de terra pulvere surrexerunt, et de humo elevaverunt caput 
custodes Legis resurgentes in vitam aetemam, et prsQvaricatores in opprobrium 
sempiternum " (Hieron). 

j " And there I saw one who had a head of days (the Ancient of days), and 
had his head white as wool. And beside him there was another whose counte- 
nance was as the face of a man ; and his countenance was full of grace, like one 



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1864.] 



of the Old and the New Testaments. 



85 



destroys and breaks in pieces all other kingdoms, and which 

lasts for ever. It may be interesting to compare the parallel 

passages in which these extraordinary ideas are expressed. 

The Son op Man. 

" I saw in the night visions, and, 
behold, one like the (a) Son of Man 
came with the clouds of heaven, and 
came to the Ancient of Days, and they 
brought him near before him " (Dan. 
vii. 13). 

The Judgment. 



" The Ancient of days did sit . . . 
the judgment was set and the books 
opened . . . and judgment was given 
to the saints of the Most High . . . 
The judgment shall sit, and they shall 
take away his dominion, to consume 
and to destroy it unto the end " (Dan. 
vii. 9, 10, 22, 26). 



The Son op Man. 

" And I looked, and behold a white 
cloud, and upon the cloud one sat like 
unto the Son of Man, having on his 
head a golden crown, and in his hand 
a sharp sickle" (Rev. xiv. 14). 

The Judgment. 

*• I saw thrones, and they sat upon 
them, aud judgment was given unto 
them, . . . and I saw a great white 
throne, and him that sat on it . . . and 
I saw the dead, small and great, stand 
before God, and the books were opened. 
. . . And the dead wore judged out of 
those things which were written in 
the books according to their works " 
(Rer. xx. 4, 11, 12). 

The Kingdom. 

" And the seventh angel sounded ; 
and there were great voices in heaven, 
saying, The kingdoms of this world 
are become the kingdoms of our Lord, 
and of his Christ ; and he shall reign 
for ever and ever " ( Rev. xi. 15). 

" And I heard a loud voice, saying 
in heaven, Now is come salvation and 
strength, and the kingdom of our God, 
and the power of his Christ " (Rev. 
xii. 10). 



The Kingdom. 

" And there was given him dominion, 
and glory, and a kingdom, that all 
people, nations, and languages, should 
serve him ; his dominion is an everlast- 
ing dominion, which shall not pass 
away, and his kingdom that which 
shall not be destroyed" (Dan. vii. 14). 

" The saints of the Most High shall 
take the kingdom, and possess the 
kingdom for ever, even for ever and 
ever ; . . . and the kingdom and do- 
minion, and the greatness of the king- 
dom under the whole heaven, shall be 
given to the people of the saints of the 
Most High " (Dan. vii. 18, 27). 

The symbol of a " Son of Man (comp. Ezek. ii. 1) coming 
with the clouds of heaven" is peculiar to Daniel. But whatever 
interpretation may be given to it, it would be difficult to sepa- 
rate the period of this advent from that of the destruction of 
" the little horn." The events are united in point of time, and 

of the angels. And I asked one of the angels who went with me, and shewed 
me all the hidden things about that Son of Man, who be was, and whence he 
was, and why he went with the Ancient of days. And he answered me and 
said ; This is the Son of Man who has righteousness, with whom righteousness 
dwells, and who reveals all the treasures of that which is hid ; because the Lord 
of spirits has made election of him, and his lot before the Lord of spirits has 
exceeded all, through righteousness for ever. And this Son of Man whom thou 
hast seen will remove kings and mighty men from their places, and the violent 
from their thrones, and will loose the bands of the violent, and will break the 
teeth of sinners. And he will thrust kings from their thrones and out of their 
empires, because they exalt and praise him not, and do not thankfully acknow- 
ledge the source whence their empire is lent." (Book of Enoch.) 



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86 Analogy between the Apocalypse [October, 

are immediately consequent upon one another. Daniel beholds 
"till the thrones" (the four great empires) " are cast down," 
and " till the beast (Antiochus) is slain, and his body destroyed 
and given to the burning flame" (vii. 9, 11) ; the coming of the 
Son of Man being contemporaneous with the destruction of the 
tyrant. The same order is elsewhere observed : " I beheld, and 
the same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against 
them until the Ancient of days came " (vii, 21, 22) \ the con- 
tinuance of his persecution being arrested by the coming of the 
Ancient of days. And again, as they " take away his dominion 
to consume and to destroy it unto the end ; the kingdom and 
dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole hea- 
ven, is given to the people of the saints of the Most High " (vii. 
26, 27). It would appear also that the vision is limited with re- 
gard to the time of its accomplishment, and therefore its strong 
language is to be interpreted either of some great deliverer who, 
in the might of the Ancient of days, executed judgment upon the 
oppressor and at that time restored the kingdom to Israel ; or 
else to be resolved into a vague expectation of Messianic and 
superhuman succour which, although falsified by the event, had 
the effect of sustaining the courage of the patriots against their 
persecutors. It is not improbable that the splendid successes of 
Judas may have laid the foundation for this extravagant theory 
of Jewish supremacy ,• and that an undue exaltation of feeling 
may have led an ardent people to substitute for an earthly war- 
rior a " Son of Man coming in the clouds of heaven," and for 
a temporal deliverauce "an everlasting dominion which shall 
not pass away, and a kingdom which shall not be destroyed." 
The analogy between Daniel and the Apocalypse is maintained 
in the unique and extraordinary ideas presented by these sym- 
bols : " The Son of Man coming with the clouds of heaven " is 
reproduced in the " Son of Man coming with clouds," or " sit- 
ting on a cloud" (Rev. i. 7; xiv. 14) ; and the "everlasting 
kingdom given to the people of the saints of the Most High " 
(vii. 27), in the everlasting reign of the "servants of God and 
the Lamb " (Rev. xxii. 3—5). 

V. The analogy between the Apocalypse of the Old and the 
New Testaments is continued in the calamities brought by either 
persecutor upon Jerusalem; the temporary desolation of the 
city and sanctuary by Antiochus being repeated in the more 
fatal and permanent destruction which originated with Nero. 
This latter calamity, although executed by his subordinates Titus 
and Vespasian, may be referred to Nero ; as the former, effected 
by Apollonius, may be referred to Antiochus. These analogous 
desolations arc described in parallel terms. 



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1864.] of the Old and the New Testaments. 87 

Syriah desolation op Jerusalem. Roman desolation of Jerusalem. 

" How long shall be the vision con- " Measure the temple of God and 

cerning the daily sacrifice, ... to give the altar and them that worship there- 

both the sanctuary and the host to be in, but the court which is without the 

trodden under foot? And he said unto temple leave out, and measure it not, 

me, Unto two thousand and three hun- for it is given unto the Gentiles ; and 

dred days" (Dan viii. 13, 14). the holy city shall they tread under 

44 The people of the prince that shall foot forty and two months " (Rev. xi. 

come shall destroy the city and the 1, 2). 

sanctuary unto the end of the war M The great city which spiritually 

desolations are determined .... and for is called Sodom and Egypt, where also 
the overspreading of abominations he our Lord was crucified : . . . and the 
shall make it desolate, even until the same hour there was a great earth- 
consummation " (Dan. ix. 26, 27). quake, and the tenth part of the city 

fell" (Rev. xi. 8— 13). 

Let this then be added to the rest, that an analogy is found 
to exist between the desolations brought upon the holy city by 
either tyrant. " The people of the prince that should come " of 
Daniel, are reproduced in "the Gentiles " of the Apocalypse, 
and the " treading under foot of the sanctuary and the host/' is 
repeated in the " treading under foot of the holy city ;" whilst 
the duration of the calamity "unto two thousand and three hun- 
dred days" (Heb. evening, morning=1150 days), finds an equi- 
valent in the corresponding period of " forty and two months." 

The two desolations are double one of another; the tempo- 
rary calamity inflicted by the Syrian affording no inappropriate 
type of the permanent destruction of the Eoman. The historical 
importance of this latter catastrophe sufficiently accounts for the 
desire to discover its prophetic announcement in the Book of 
Daniel. It was the great crisis for which the world was waiting.* 
In unequivocal language, which no sophistry can explain away, 
the Son of Man had announced his speedy advent to destroy 
Jerusalem, and to establish the kingdom of heaven before the 
generation which had heard his words had passed away. His 
apostles had reiterated his solemn threatenings. The Apoca- 
lypse had taken up the theme of an immediate catastrophe, 

* " Si la premiere generation Chre'tienne a une croyance profonde et constante 
c'est que le monde eat sur le point de finir, et que la grande revelation du Christ 
va bient6t avoir lieu. Cette vive proclamation, * Le temps est proche,' qui ouvre 
et ferme 1' Apocalypse : cet appel sang cesse repete*, * Que celui qui a des ore i lies 
entende,' sont lea cris d'esperance et de ralliement de tout Page apostolique. 
Une expression Syriaque, * Maran Atha,' * Notre Seigneur arrive,' devint une 
sorte de mot de passe que les croyants de disaient entre eux pour se fortifier 
dans leur foi, et leurs esperances. L' Apocalypse ecrite l'an 68 de notre 6re fixe 
le terme a trois ans et deini. * L'ascension d'Isaie adopte un calcul fort 
approchant de celui ci. . . . Jesus n'allait jamais a une telle precision ; jl disait que 
la date de ce grand jour n'est connue que du Pere qui ne la revelGe ni aux anges, 
ni au Fils, que se serait une surprise comme du temps de Noe et de Lot .... 
Mais ses declarations sur la proximity de la catastrophe ne laissent lieu a aucune 
equivoque, — * La generation presente ne passera pas sans que tout cela s'accom- 
plisse."' — Kenan. 



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88 Analogy between the Apocalypse [October, 

and had rung out the knell of the old Jewish world. It ceases, 
therefore, to be a wonder that calamities described under 
such similarity of thought and diction, and reproduced under 
such agreement of circumstance and action, should have caused 
exegetical confusion ; and that the Dromio-resemblance between 
the chief actors in the respective scenes should have led inter- 
preters to explain the Syrian abominations of those perpe- 
trated by the Romans, and the desolation of the city and sanc- 
tuary by Antiochus, of the destruction of the city and temple 
by Titus and Vespasian. 

VI. In addition to the historical resemblance already traced 
in the scenes described by Daniel and John, minor points of 
verbal imitation give weight to the position that the second 
Apocalypse is to a great extent a transcript of the first. Among 
the ideas and expressions common, if not peculiar, to both, we 
may compare the somewhat egotistical "I Daniel" (Dan. viii. 
15, 27), with "Uohn" (Rev. xxi. 2; xxii. 8). The confident 
appeal to veracity, "The vision which was told is true" (Dan. 
viii. 26; x. 21 ; xi. 2), with "These words are true and faithful " 
(Rev. xxi. 5; xix. 9). The unique idea, known only to the 
writers of Daniel and the Apocalypse, of " The Ancient of days, 
the hair of whose head was like the pure wool " (Dan. vii. 9, 
22), with "The head and hairs white like wool and white as 
snow " (Rev. i. 14) ; " The judgment set when the Ancient of 
days did sit" (Dan. vii. 9, 10), with "The great white throne 
and Him that sat on it" (Rev. xx. 11). The "thousand thou- 
sands ministering unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand 
standing before him" (Dan. vii. 10), with the "Ten thousand times 
ten thousand, and thousands of thousands" (Rev. v. 11). "The 
Son of Man coming with the clouds of heaven " (Dan. vii. 13), 
with " The Son of Man sitting upon a white cloud " (Rev. xiv. 
14). "The dominion and glory and a kingdom, that all people, 
nations, and languages should serve him " (Dan. vii. 14), with 
" The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our 
Lord and of his Christ" (Rev. xi. 15). "Michael the great 
prince which staudeth up for the children of thy people " (Dan. 
xii. 1), with "Michael and his angels fighting against the devil 
and his angels" (Rev. xii. 7). "The time of trouble, such as 
never was since there was a nation even to that same time" 
(Dan. xii. 1), with "The great earthquake such as was not 
since men were upon the earth" (Rev. xvi. ]8). The "casting 
of the host and stars to the ground and stamping upon them" 
(Dan. viii. 10), with "The dragon drawing the third part of 
the stars of heaven and casting them to the earth" (Rev. xii. 
4). " God of gods and Lord of kings" (Dan. ii. 47), with 



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1864.] of the Old and the New Testaments. , 89 

"King of kings, and Lord of lords" (Rev. xix. 16). "The 
living God" (Dan. vi. 20), with "The living God" (Rev. vii. 
2). "All whose works are truth and his ways judgment" 
(Dan. iv. 37), with " True and righteous are thy judgments" 
(Rev. xvi. 7). "Saints of the Most High" (Dan. vii.), with 
" King of saints" (Rev. xv. 3.) " The four winds" (Dan. vii. 
2), with "The four winds" (Rev. vii. 1). "The four beasts 
coming up from the sea" (Dan. vii. 3), with " The beast rising 
up out of the sea" (Rev. xiii. 1). The "ten horns" (Dan. vii. 
7), with the "ten horns" (Rev. xvii. 3). "The beast slain 
and his body destroyed, and given to the burning flame" (Dan. 
vii. 11), "The beast taken . . . and cast alive into a lake of fire 
burning with brimstone" (Rev. xix. 20). "The army of 
heaven" (Dan. iv. 35), with " The armies of heaven" (Rev. xix. 
14). " Great Babylon" (Dan. iv. 30), with "Great Babylon" 
(Rev. xvi. 19). "The gods of silver and gold, of brass, iron, 
wood, and stone, which see not, nor hear, nor know" (Dan. v. 
23), with " Idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and 
of wood, which neither can see, nor hear, nor walk" (Rev. ix. 
20). The worship of "the golden image" (Dan. iii.), with 
"The worship of the image of the beast" (Rev. xiii. 15). 
" The four men loose walking in the midst of the fire . . . and 
the form of the fourth is like the (a) Son of God" (Dan. iii. 25), 
with " The Son of Man walking in the midst of the seven 
golden candlesticks" (Rev. i. 13). The command to " shut up 
the vision and seal the book" (Dan. viii. 26; xii. 4), with the 
converse direction, " Seal not the sayings of the prophecy of 
this book" (Rev. xxii. 10). The enigma proposed to the wise, 
" How long shall it be to the end of these wonders ? . . . none of 
the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall understand" 
(Dan. xii. 6, 10), with the equivalent, " Here is wisdom ; let 
him that hath understanding count the number of the beast" 
(Rev. xiii. 18 ; xvii. 9) : and, lastly, the blessing of the resurrec- 
tion, " Blessed is he that waiteth, and comet h to the thousand 
three hundred and five and thirty days" (Dan. xii. 12) ; 
" when many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall 
awake," with " Blessed and holy is he that hath part in the first 
resurrection ; on such the second death hath no power ; but they 
shall be priests of God and of Christ, and shall reign with him 
a thousand years" (Rev. xx. 6). 

These parallelisms of thought and diction, to which may be 
added those of structure and arrangement, exhibit together so 
complete an analogy between the Apocalypse of the Old and 
the New Testaments as almost to compel the conclusion, that 
either the writer of the latter must have drawn largely from the 



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90 Analogy between the Apocalypse, etc. [October, 

former, or that the respective authors intended to describe the 
same events. We give our adherence to the former of these 
theories, not only because it appears to have beeu the practice 
of the latter to avail himself of ideas borrowed from the ancient 
prophets, but because a strange similarity of style and subject 
demanded a similarity of symbolic representation. The earlier 
Apocalypse thus became the model of the latter, and the 
Syrian distress the type under which that of Nero found ade- 
quate expression. We are content to leave this parallelism* 
without further comment, simply observing that a similarity of 
symbolic representation would seem to demand similarity of 
exegetical treatment ; and that as the visions of either prophecy 
have their consummation in the death of the tyrant,' so the in- 
terpretation of the latter would be circumscribed by that of the 
former ; in other words, as the exegesis applied to the Book of 
Daniel cannot be extended beyoud the times of Antiochus 
Epiphanes, that of the Apocalypse would be confiued to the 
times of Nero. Both prophecies seem bounded by their own 
historical limits ; and the introduction of an element of futurity 
into the interpretation of the latter, and the prolongation of its 
visions beyond the actual present or the immediate future of the 
seer, would create an eschatology for the second which is not 
discoverable in the first, and derange the harmony subsisting 
between them.' P. S. D. 

* It is worthy of notice, that in the parallelism between Daniel and the Apo- 
calypse, the emblems of the latter arc rather the result of imitation of style and 
figure than a correct delineation of the subjects which the author intended to 
pourtray. Thus the horns of the Roman beast are u ten," not because Nero is 
the tenth emperor, but because the Grecian beast of Daniel is furnished with 
44 ten horns." The same beast is said to be u like unto a leopard, and his feet 
as the feet of a bear, and his mouth as the mouth of a lion," more for the sake of 
resemblance to the beasts of Daniel than exact conformity to the Roman empire. 
The second 44 beast coming up out of the earth with two horns like a lamb, and 
speaking as a dragon " (Rev. xiii. 11), is so described because " the little horn " 
Antiochus, comes up among the ten horns of the fourth Grecian beast, and in 
this horn were (two) ** eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great 
things " (Dan. vii. 8). The duration of the persecution of Nero " continues forty 
and two months, or a time, times, and half a time ;" not because it extended over 
that precise period, but because it was that of the desolation spoken of by Daniel. 

1 According to Daniel, the JSon of Man comes with the clouds of heaven at the 
juncture when 44 The beast (Antiochus)is slain, and his body given to the burning 
flame." According to John, " The Son of Man appears when the beast (Nero) is 
taken and cast alive into a lake of fire burning with brimstone." The reign of 
the saints with either prophet commences from the same period. According to 
Daniel, " The little horn makes war with the saints until the Ancient of days 
comes . . . and the time came that the saints possessed the kingdom." According 
to John, the millennial reign commences at the period when the beast is taken 
and destroyed (Rev. xix. 20 ; xx. 4). 

J We should like to receive a temperate criticism of the preceding paper, for 
the views of which its author is of course alone responsible.— Ed. J. &. L. 



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1864.] ( 91 ) 



THE DECIPHERMENT OF CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 
DESCRIBED AND TESTED. 

[Concluded from Vol. V., page 125.] 

In this second paper, we proceed to trace the progress of deci- 
pherment, (I.) in regard to the second and third species of the 
Persian trilingual monuments, and (II.) in regard to the more 
important records of Assyria and Babylonia. 

I. In proceeding to use the key furnished by the first and 
simplest kind of writing on the Persian tablets, for the decipher- 
ment of the other two, it was only necessary to assume that the 
inscriptions composed in the latter were translations of those 
composed in the former ; and this, no one who sees them occu- 
pying parallel columns in the same engraved tablets can reason- 
ably doubt. Where a translation is used as a means of 
deciphering a piece of unknown writing, the procedure is simple 
in its nature, though usually demanding much patience and 
skill in practice. The proper names occurring in the known 
writing, when their equivalents are ascertained, and carefully 
determined and discriminated, furnish the readiest means of 
constructing the alphabet of the unknown. This alphabet, 
applied to the rest of the writing, gives the words in their 
forms and approximate sounds, for which again, at first collec- 
tively, and then discri mi natively and singly, the known writing 
furnishes the approximate meaning. When, as often happens 
in such researches, the proper names do not contain a complete 
set of the characters employed, the powers of the characters left 
undetermined must be surmised, with more or less of evidence 
from variant orthographies, from the consideration of gramma- 
tical forms and analogies, with whatever rays of light may be 
furnished from other sources, as from kindred dialects or his- 
torical traditions. It happens that in both the second and third 
species of Persian cuneiform the number of characters to be 
determined exceed the means of determination presented in the 
proper names contained in the existing inscriptions, and this 
circumstance considerably lessens the serviceableness of the key 
given us by the translation of the first species. The second 
species has been found only on the monuments of Persia/ and 
only in two instances is it unaccompanied by a translation into 
the other two.* Some attempts at its decipherment were made 

• Dr. Hincks regards the inscriptions of Mai-Amir as presenting a more 
ancient form of the same language. See On the Polyphony of the Assyrio-Baby- 
lonian writing, p. 16. 

* The one instance occurs on the south wall of the platform at Persopolis, 
the other at Behistun. 



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92 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

by Miinter, Grotefend, and others of the earlier inquirers. The 
first important work, however, on the subject, was written by 
the Danish scholar Westergaard, and published in 1844/ This 
work, for which the Behistun tablets were not available, did 
much for the determination of the characters, and pointed to 
remarkable conclusions, since fully confirmed, in regard to the 
linguistic affinities of the language. Westergaard's labours 
were reviewed, and, in some points, corrected and extended by 
Hincks, in 1846/ De Saulcy, in 1850/ and Holtzmann, in 
185iy A more complete work was published in 1853, in the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society/ by Norris. This scholar, having 
been entrusted with Rawlinson's new materials, accomplished 
for the second department what Rawlinson himself had done for 
the first, of the Behistun and other trilingual inscriptions of 
Persia, furnishing alphabet, grammar, and vocabulary, for the 
language there employed. Of more recent works on the subject, 
it is only necessary to mention a review, by Haug, of the work 
of Norris, published in 1855/ and a lengthened memoir, con- 
taining an independent investigation of the whole field, by 
Mordtraann, in 1862.* 

The task of translating the writings composed in the second 
species, though comparatively easy after the translation of those 
in the first, presented some new and peculiar difficulties. The 
characters are much more numerous than those employed in the 
translated tablets, exceeding a hundred in number ; and it was, 
therefore, to be at once concluded that they were syllabic rather 
than simply alphabetic in their power. A number of these 
characters it was found impossible to determine from the proper 
names in the inscriptions. Moreover, the careful application of 
the only key, the Persian version, and the transcription of the 
words according to the syllabic values thus ascertained, has 
brought out a language which is akin neither to the Arian nor 
to the Shemitic group of tongues, and for which congeners 
must be sought in the comparatively obscure and unstudied 
Turanian dialects of northern and uorth-eastern Asia.-'' This, it 

c In the Memoires de la Soc. Roy. des Antiquaires du Nbrd, 1844, p. 271 — 
439 ; published also-in German, along with the last Memoir of Lassen referred 
to in our previous paper, as a separate work, with the title, Ueber die Kcil- 
imchriften der ersten und zweiten Gattung. Bonn, 1845. 

d In the Transactions of the Irish Academy, vol. xxi. 

e In the Journal Asiatique, 1850. 

/ In the Zeilschrift der Morgenldndischen GeseUschaft, bd. v. 

s See vol. xv., On the Scythic version of the Behistun Inscription. 

k In the Oott. pel. Anzeigen, and separately. 

' In the Zeitschrift d. Morg. Ges., bd. xvi. 

i This, which YVostergaard and De Saulcy, as well as Rawlinson (Asiat. 
Jour., x., p. 34), had surmised, has been fully established by Norris. Oppert 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 93 

is manifest, greatly increases the difficulty of a full interpreta- 
tion of the remains of this language. At the same time, I find 
in this remarkable and unexpected fact a new proof of the 
trustworthiness of that system of decipherment by which it has 
been elicited. For this is a circumstance which clearly shews 
that that decipherment is controlled by no preconceived theory 
as to what is probable or fitting. The language of the second 
order of the Persian trilingual tablets had been, by common 
consent, designated Median, in anticipation that it would prove 
Arian in its character, and would turn out to have been used by 
the Medes, well known as an important portion of the subject 
of the Achaemenian kings, whose language is presumed to have 
resembled that of the Persians. No one had conjectured its 
true nature till this was pressed upon the attention of inquirers 
as the result of the system we are now speaking of; and now, 
when this has been clearly demonstrated, scholars have been 
met by a new difficulty, scarcely yet fully solved, to discover 
historically the Turanian people by whom this language was 
used, and who, it is evident from the position these inscriptions 
occupy, must have formed no unimportant or uncultivated por- 
tion of the Persian empire. The entire spontaneity which has 
marked the reproduction of this Turanian tongue, characterized 
by all the leading peculiarities of the group to which it belongs, 
such as the aggregation without cohesion of auxiliary particles, 
the absence of gender in nouns, the law of collocation, whereby 
the subordinate or defining word precedes the defined/ renders 
of peculiar force the philological verification of the general truth 
of the decipherment. It is quite inconceivable that the charac- 
teristics of a Turanian language should have come out of these 
tablets of wedge-shaped signs merely by the application of 
powers to those signs derived from equivalent proper names, 
and without suspicion of the nature of the language, if the 
reading had not proceeded upon a sound basis. 

The second species of the cuneiform writings bf Persia, 
however curious and interesting to the student of ethnography 
and history, must yield in importance to the third species, 
through means of which the easiest and most direct access is 
opened to an acquaintance with the principal inscribed remains 
of Assyrian and Babylonian antiquity. Unfortunately, both is 
this species in itself the most difficult, and for its elucidation 
the most imperfect materials are furnished by the trilingual 

says : " II n'y a aucun doute, pour toute personne ayant quelque pen regard^ lo 
Medo-Scythique, que cet idiorae ne sorte de la race finno-ouralienne, qui so 
rattache a celle des Mongols." Exped. Sclent. , ii., p. 82. 

* As laid down, c. g. y by Prichard, Researches, iv., p. 384, f. 



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94 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

monuments. The characters are still more numerous and com- 
plicated than those of the second species, while on the Behistun 
rock the tablets containing the third or Babylonian version are 
so mutilated, that only the latter half of all the lines is now 
legible. The publication of these fragments, however, with a 
table of characters and a partial analysis, by Rawlinson, in 1851,' 
was the earliest important step towards the comprehension of 
the language. It had already, even at that time, been sufficiently 
evidenced by the researches of Grotefend, Hincks, Botta, De 
Saulcy, and others, in the extant remains of the Assyrio-Baby- 
Ionian language, that these embodied a Shemitic dialect, and 
this was clearly shewn in the memoir referred to, while it has 
been fully confirmed by other more recent publications in the 
same department of cuneiform writing.* 1 We have thus the 
same fact repeated which has been already noticed in connection 
with the other kinds of trilingual writing, viz., that a language 
bearing the characteristic marks of a certain group of tongues, 
in this case a group well known, and with analogies easily 
recognizable, comes out unforcedly by the application to those 
remains of the Grotefendian system of decipherment, and thus 
verifies the validity of the process by which it has been repro- 
duced. As this department of the trilingual inscriptions of 
Persia has been studied almost exclusively in connection with 
the records on the Assyrian and Babylonian monuments, in 
which relation its chief importance lies, I go on to consider its 
bearing upon these, and the progress made in the reading of 
these larger and more interesting remains. 

II. Those who believe that the right path has been struck 
for the interpretation of the engraved annals of Assyria and 
Babylonia, cannot fail to be impressed with the relations existing 
between the times in which the yarious discoveries have been 
made ; and if our religious faith extends the oversight of Divine 
providence to the falling of a sparrow to the ground, it may well 
allow that'its control is manifest here, in a matter so closely 

1 In the Journal of tJie Asiat. Soc., vol. xiv. Do Saulcy had published, in 
1849, an Analyse de V Inscription de Hamadan et des Inscriptions de Persepoli*, of 
the third species. 

m See, c. g., De Saulcy, Traduction de V Iiiscriptwn Assyrienne de BeJiistoun, 
in the Journal Asiatique, 1854-5, with other articles in the Revue, Archiolomque^ 
etc. Oppert, in the Nakshi-Rustam inscription, in the Zeitschrift d. morg % 
Oes n xi., p. 136; and in his more recent works, Expedition Scientifique, torn, 
ii., and Elements de la Grammaire Assyrienne. It is no valid objection to the 
Shemitic characters of the Assy rio- Babylonian language, urged by Rcnan and 
Schoebcl (Examen Critique du Dechiffrement des Inscriptions Cune'iformci, p. 10, 
f.) t that the system of writing is altogether unlike what we elsewhere find in 
Shemitic dialects. Now facts are not to be refused because they are unexpected. 
Rather the unexpectedness of the result is a confirmation of the truthfulness of 
the system from which it emerges. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 95 

pertaining to the elucidation and establishment of the divine 
word. It has needed almost fifty years of diligent research on 
the part of many scholars to perfect the interpretation of the 
Persian trilingual inscriptions ; and just about the close of this 
period, when the learned world had been furnished with the 
requisite key, the Assyrian palaces are exposed to view, and a 
new and vast store of wedge-shaped records is brought to light, 
relating to another people and another history more ancient and 
more interesting still than those of Persia. "The wonderful 
thing is/' says Fergusson, M " that just when the one discovery 
was on the eve of completion, the other was made to complete 
its usefulness : had either preceded the other, half of what is 
now known to us might have been lost from our not knowing 
what we were doing, or being careless of what is now of so much 
interest ; but the one came with the other, and together revealed 
to us the records of a history that had been lost for centuries, 
and so completely lost that no man living even so much as sus- 
pected the possibility of their existence." 

It gave new interest to the third column of the Persian 
tablets, when it was shewn that the complicated and uncouth 
combinations of wedges found there were reproduced, with only 
slight dissimilarities, in the large, and, iu great part, recently 
discovered records of Babylon and Nineveh. The hope was thus 
awakened of finding in the former the desiderated key to the 
latter. Before the key could be tried, however, not a little 
preliminary work had been accomplished with these Assyrio- 
Babylonian documents. The arrangement and comparison of 
the numerous characters had been attended to, their syllabic 
nature had been demonstrated, the apparent equivalence or 
power in the case of many of the signs had been pointed out, 
the Shemitic cast of the language had been shewn, and some 
important proper names, as Nebuchadnezzar, Babel, Sargon, 
had been more or less successfully determined. Sir Henry 
Rawlinson, as already stated, published his transcript of the 
third column of the Behistun inscription in 1851/ and since 
that time almost every year has seen new and valuable contri- 
butions made to our knowledge of the language and contents of 

■ Palaces of Nineveh and Fersepolis, p. 6. 

° Of those who laboured on the Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions before 
the publication of the Behistun text," the most distinguished are Grofctend, 
Hincks, Loewenstern, Botta, Longperier, De Saulcy. An account is given of 
these earlier labours by Me*nant, EcrUure* Cuneijormes, p. 120, f. Into the 
questions, in regard to priority of discovery, which have arisen among these and 
the other investigators, I desire not to enter. 

f He had, in 1850, published a Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscription* of 
Babylonia and Assyria, baaed on his acquaintance with the Behistun record. 



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96 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

the engraved monuments of the Mesopotamian valley. It would 
be impossible, in any reasonable space, to give anything like a 
complete list of the several works published in this department. 
Besides Rawlinson himself, the scholars whose writings are of 
highest authority are Hincks, Talbot, and Oppert, the last of 
whom, in the second volume of his recent Expedition Scientifique 
en Mesopotamie, has furnished the most regular and complete 
work yet published on the Assyrio-Babylonian inscriptions. 
Another Frenchman, M6nant, has recently entered the field, 
and has printed some useful works. The publication of the 
original texts, an essential condition of progress in this study, is 
also being proceeded with, though too slowly for the impatience 
of some of the investigators. The largest and most important 
collection of original Assyrian writings is possessed by the British 
Museum, secured by the excavations of Layard, and his succes- 
sors at Nineveh and elsewhere in the Mesopotamian valley. 
From this source emanated the volume entitled, Inscriptions in 
the Cuneiform Character, from Assyrian Monuments discovered 
by A. H. Layard, D.C.L., printed in 1851, and containing an 
important selection of documents. Another and still more valu- 
able publication, drawn from the same ample store, is now going 
forward, edited by Sir H. Rawlinson, entitled, The Cuneiform 
Inscriptions of Western Asia. From France, besides numerous 
detached inscriptions, we have a full edition of the inscriptions 
found at Khorsabad, in Botta's Monument de Ninive. Of these, 
a considerable portion has recently been published in a more 
accessible form, edited and translated by Oppert and Menant.? 
It was the third compartment of the Achsemenian tablets which 
first introduced us to an acquaintance with the meaning of these 
deeply interesting records, and in this application its aid has 
been of invaluable consequence. At the same time, the means 
thus furnished have proved inadequate to effect a full interpre- 
tation of the many and long inscriptions now possessed. The 
remains of the Achsemenian writing present about one hundred 
and sixty different characters, an (T of these the proper names 
which they contain determine only about ninety/ while gram- 
matical changes and flexions give the means of arriving at a 
probable opinion in regard to about twenty more. But when 
wc turn to the Assyrio-Babylonian documents, we find the num- 
ber of signs to which there is no direct clue greatly multiplied. 
Oppert, in 1858, gave a list of three hundred and eighteen cha- 
racters, those known as " most in use," and the number novv 

* Les Faites de Sargon, roi ctAssuric, traduits ct publies d'apre* le texts 
Assyrien de la grande inscription deft ealies dupalais de K1iormbad y 1863. 
r See Oppert, Erpcd., ii., p. 34. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 97 

known must considerably exceed this. What is true of the 
signs is true also of the roots, of which, as was to be expected, 
many occur in the long and numerous inscriptions of Assyria 
and Babylonia, which are not presented in the Achsemenian 
records. But, in addition to this accidental inadequacy of the 
key, difficulties of a peculiar and formidable kind have presented 
themselves to the students of these inscriptions. It was soon 
ascertained that the numerous characters had a syllabic power, 
and that the language possessed a very full set of the signs 
requisite to express syllables, both open and close. But, besides 
their phonetic value, it was found that a non-phonetic power 
also prevailed ; that some of the signs were determinatives, indi- 
cating the class to which the word following them belongs ; and 
that others of them were ideographs or monograms, representing 
things, not sounds, like our ordinary numeral characters. And 
still more, along with the recognition of these syllabic and non- 
phonetic powers, Hincks and Rawlinson, at an early period of 
the investigation, announced that they had found that many of 
the signs were also polyphonetic, actually bearing, in different 
words, and sometimes in the same word, different syllabic values/ 
These facts seemed to cast the study of these records into hope- 
less confusion. The difficulty of determinatives and ideographs 
is not, indeed, of an insuperable kind, and a precedent may be 
found for such phenomena in other alphabetic systems, specially 
in that of ancient Egypt. The polyphonous power, however, 
ascribed to many of the signs, appeared, if really existing, to bar 
all certain advancement, and to reduce the whole business of 
decipherment to an unguided play of fancy or conjecture. 
Serious doubt, rather entire disbelief, based chietfy on this ground, 
has been expressed, especially on the Continent, in regard to 
the whole procedure and results of what has been called the 
British school of interpreters/ It is to be observed, that the 
objections thus brought forward revolve round the & priori 
improbability of the polyphony of the signs in a language 
intended to be read, and possessing so great a variety of charac- 
ters as the Assyrian, and mainly proceed from persons who have 
not themselves attempted the decipherment of these inscriptions. 
But h priori considerations, as already remarked in regard to a 

• Hincks, On the Klwrsabad inscriptions, p. 15, f. ; Rawlinson, On tlie Baby- 
lonian and Assyrian inscriptions, in Jour. As. Soc., vol. xiv., p. 2. It was the 
opinion of Loewenstern, Botta, and, at one time, of Rawlinson (see his Commen- 
tary, p. 4), that there existed also homophones, i. c, characters different in form, 
but having the same phonetic value. These, however, have disappeared before 
the more exact analysis of words and forms. See Oppert, Expta., ii., p. 35 ; 
Menant, Ecritures Ouneiformes, p. 174. 

' As by Ewald, Renan, Branais, Schocbcl. 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. H 



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98 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

kindred matter, cannot here be admitted to have any validity. 
In the case of one of the objectors, Brandis, an attempt has 
been made to read the inscriptions on the principle of strictly 
adhering to a mono-phonetic system, but his ill-success is mani- 
festly so glaring as to discourage all perseverance in the path he 
has chosen." 

There can be no doubt that the untoward bat stubborn fact 
of polyphony renders much more difficult and embarrassing the 
task of reading these documents, and must seriously impede 
their complete decipherment. At the same time, it is not to be 
supposed that the polyphony of the characters of the Assyrio- 
Babylonian language is a thing unregulated and capricious : that 
every character has any value, or even that every value assign- 
able to any polyphonetic character is indiscriminately to be 
suspected wherever the character occurs. Already, by the per- 
severing efforts of the students of these writings, the laws and 
limits of the polyphony affecting the characters are beginning 
to be understood. It is found, that often by means of the 
" phonetic complement " the writing itself gives indications of 
its presence, and means of guidance in the selection of the 
proper phonetic power." There is also reason to believe that 
the signs are not universally polyphonous, and that a number of 
those most frequently employed are not liable to be affected by 
this ambiguity. 1 " Moreover, a most important discovery made 
by Mr. Layard, at Kouyunjik, has furnished new and valuable 
means for surmounting the difficulties which polyphony presents, 
and also for explaining the origin of this linguistic phenomenon. 
Among the chambers which he there laid open were two of 
comparatively small size, forming a repository of inscribed 
tablets and cylinders. " To the height of a foot or more from 
the floor they were entirely filled with them, some entire, but 
the greater part broken into many fragments. They were of 
different sizes ; the largest tablets were flat, and measured about 
9 inches by 6£ inches; the smaller were slightly convex, and 
some were not more than an inch long, with but one or two lines 
of writing. . . The adjoining chambers contained similar relics, 
but in smaller numbers. Many cases were filled with these 
tablets before I left Assyria, and a vast number of them have 
been found, I understand, since my departure. . . The documents 

« See his work, Ueber den historischen Oewinn aus der Entzifferung der 
Assyrischen Inschrifien. Berlin, 1856. 

• See Oppert, Exped. JScient ., ii., chap. 9 ; Hincks, in Jour. Sac. Lit., Oct, 
1855, p. 155 ; Jan., 1862, p. 404 ; On Polyphony, p. 33. 

• See Menant, Observations sur Us Polyptumes Jssyriennes, p. 9, f.; Les 
Ecritures Cun/iformes, p. 193, f. ; cf. Hincks, On Polyphony, p. 32. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 99 

that have thus been discovered at Nineveh probably exceed all 
that have yet been afforded by the monuments of Egypt."* 
These " record chambers," the contents of which are now in the 
British Museum, have proved, says Rawlinson, " a real treasure- 
house of discovery. . . the debris, in fact, of the royal library."* 
" It would seem," remarks Oppert/ " that the unusual difficul- 
ties which are now felt in the reading of the old Chaldee monu- 
ments had already been felt by the literati of Nineveh in regard 
to their native system of writing, and it is thus intelligible how 
King Sardanapalus III., - son of Esarhaddon, should have 
resolved to institute a clay library, which, as the inscriptions 
declare, might facilitate the knowledge of religion ;"* so that, by 
the fortunate preservation and recovery of these relics, we have 
been put in possession of the very means used by the later 
Assyrians to illustrate their own written language. Of the 
linguistic portion of these tablets (I borrow again from Oppert), 
"some are syllabaria, and explain short syllables by simple signs 
(e. g. y kal by ka. al., lip by li. ip., muk by mu. uk.), and append 
in a third column the Assyrian name of the object for which the 
syllable stands when used ideographically (e. g. 9 the character at 
is explained by abu, father ; sis, by aku, brother ; gal, by rabu, 
great). Others explain the verbal monograms, whose existence 
was before unsuspected (e. g., si bynadan, give), and then follow 
the additions which si requires in order to become iddin, inad- 
din, ittadin (iftaal), isaddin (saphel), istaddin (istaphel). Others 
give the signification of several complex groups of characters, 
and that in a way which it would be impossible to demonstrate 
a priori [e. g., ut., kip. rat., ki., of which ut means day or sun ; 
ki., city or land : kip. rat., parts of the world, is to be read 
Sippara, the city of the sun; but if the word river stands 
before this group, the whole is to be read Purat (i. e. 9 the 
Euphrates). These are the most important tablets. Others 
still are dictionaries of synonyraes : one, e. g., explains verbal 
roots by other roots, — sarab, burn, by kavar ; kavar, by kalu. 

* Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 345, f. 

9 See Report of As. Society, May, 1853, p. 18 ; cf. Report, for May, 1856, p. 7. 

* Zeitschrift der Mora. Oes., x., p. 288. 

a Called Asshur-bani-pal II., by Rawlinson. 

* The inscription, in which the king declares the purpose of this collection, 
is thus rendered by Oppert, Exved. Seven., ii., p. 362, cf. p. 53 :— " Palais de 
Sardanapale, roi du monde, roi d'Assyrie, a qni le dieu Nebo et la deesse Tasmit 
ont donne des oreilles pour ecouter, et des yeux pour voir, ce qui est la base du 
gouvernement. lis ont rev61e aux rois mes predecesseurs les regies do cette 
icriture cun&forme. Dans la piete envers Nebo, le dieu qui joint les caracteres 
un a un, contrairement a leur valeur phonetique, je les ai ecrites, ie les ai 
signSes, et je les ai rangees, puis je les ai placees au milieu de mon palais pour 
I'instruction de mes sujets." 

H2 



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100 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

But the most interesting are the Scythic-Assyrian dictionaries, 
which give us the solution of the whole of this remarkable phe- 
nomenon/^ This solution may be briefly stated thus: — The 
cuneiform characters, as was shewn in our former paper, are a 
degenerate kind of hieroglyphics, or representations of natural 
objects ; and the inventors of these hieroglyphics were a people 
belonging to the Turanian or Allophylian stock, who spoke a 
language akin to that occurring in the trilingual tablets of 
Sardanapalus or Asshur-bani-pal, and also that of the second 
column of the Achaemenian inscriptions. But from its inventors 
the cuneiform syllabarium passed to other peoples, who adopted, 
perhaps with modifications, the characters, but adopted also, to 
a great extent, at least, the values they originally possessed, 
while attaching to them other values derived from their own 
vocabulary. " As there was but one picture-alphabet/' says 
Bawlinson, "common to the whole aggregate of tribes, each 
character had necessarily as many phonetic values as there were 
distinct names for the object which it represented/^ Thus, 
among the Assyrians, while the sign representing a fish had the 
power of nun, the Assyrian name, it had also the sound of ha, 
because the Turanian name began with this syllable. The sign 
for father, in Assyrian ab, bears also the power of at, from the 
original language/ There have been distinguished six languages, 
more or less different from one another, and used by different 
peoples, which are known to have employed the one cuneiform 
system of writing./ 

1. The Turanian dialect found in the bilingual tablets of 
Nineveh (the Casdo-Scythic of Oppert) . 

2. The Turanian dialect of the second column of the Persian 
inscriptions (the Medo-Scythic of Oppert). 

3. The Susianian found in the ante- Achaemenian monuments 
of Susiana. 

4. The Armenian, on the rocks of Van and elsewhere in 
Armenia. 

5. The Assyrian, from Nineveh and elsewhere in Assyria. 

6. The Babylonian, from Babylon and elsewhere in Chaldea ; 

c See specimens of these bilingual tablets in Oppert, Exited. Scien., ii., p. 96 ; 
Hincks, in Zeitschrift der Morg. Ues., x., 516 f. 

d See Rawlinson's Herodotus, i., p. 444, cf. Oppert, Exped., ii., p. 69 : — 
" N'oublions pas non plus que plusieurs idiomes s'ecrivent avec le meme sys- 
teme graphique que nous nommons anarien. Chez tons ces peuples, les m&mes 
signes ont la mgme valeur ideograph ique, et partout ce m&me caractere indique 
6galement le m6me son syllabique." 

* See further details in Oppert, Exped., ii., p. 78, f. 

/ From this enumeration tne Arian, or Ola Persian cuneiform, is excluded. 
If derived from the original hieroglyphical syllabarium, it is too purely alpha- 
betic in its character to be ranked along with those mentioned in tne text. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 101 

of the last the writing in the third column of the Persian in- 
scriptions is a derivation.^ 

Further investigation and discovery may doubtless modify 
and correct the views thus set forth in outline, but the doctrine 
seems to rest on a sufficient basis of evidence, that the cuneiform 
syllabic signs, in passing from those by whom they were first 
employed into the hands of other races, retained their original 
phonetic value, and designated the same original idea, while 
gathering around them other values, mainly from the sounds 
expressive of that idea in the mouths of those by whom they 
were adopted. It remains to determine more precisely the 
geographical and ethnical relations of the remarkable people to 
whom so many tribes of the ancient world were indebted for the 
vehicle of literary expression, — of whom it can be said to be as 
yet only dimly ascertained that they used a language of 
Turanian character, and that they at a very early period were 
seated about the head of the Persian Gulf.* It remains also to 
ascertain how far the borrowing of the phonetic powers of the 
signs along with the signs themselves extended ; whether it is 
found, as most seem to think, in all the derivative systems of 
writing, or whether, as Hincks holds, it marks only the Assyrio- 
Babylonian system.* These, and many other points of interest, 
await the progress of discovery. Meanwhile, as has been 
shewn, the suspicious and suspected fact of the polyphony of 
the characters of the inscriptions of Assyria and Babylon, has 
had both its reality established and its origin explained. All 
legitimate grounds of distrust in reference to the interpretations 
of those students of these inscriptions who receive this fact are 
removed, and at the same time, the means are found, in the * 
linguistic tablets of Nineveh, of a full and certain comprehension 
of their meaning. 

Meanwhile, though the right path has been struck, and no 
inconsiderable progress has been made in the work of interpre- 
tation, the labour of years will be required to perfect the reading 
of those large stores of cuneiform writing now accessible. 

* Cf. Oppert, Zeitschrift der Morg. Ges., x., 804. Exped., ii. 69. 

* Norm, in 1853, expressed his conviction, from the study of the second 
Persian tablets, that " the Syltabarium was originally contrived for a Scythic 
language" (Jour. Asiat. Soc., xv., 52. See Rawlinson, in Athenceum, Dec. 1855, 
and cf. the Herodotus, i., p. 442, n.). He would call the language of the inventors 
of the Syllabariuni Akkadian, applying to them the term Akkad, frequently 
applied in the Assyrian inscriptions to a people of Southern Babylonia. Hincks, 
who is undecided in regard to the affinities of this ancient tongue, prefers the 
name Akkadian as involving no theory as to its cognation. See The Personal 
Pronouns in their most ancient forms, p. 3 ; cf. On PolypJiony, p. 18. See in general 
Oppert, Exped. Scient., ii., chap. vi. 

* See Hincks, On Polyphony, p. 10. 



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102 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

Hitherto the Assyrian and Babylonian records have attracted, 
on several grounds, the principal share of the attention of the 
small band of scholars who have applied themselves to this de- 
partment of study ; those of Susiana and Armenia remain, so 
far as is known to the public, in all but their original obscurity, 
and a clue to their vocabulary is still to be discovered ; yet the 
sure results already obtained fully reward all the labour and 
talent that have been devoted to the work of decipherment. In 
ethnography, in philology, in ancient geography and history, 
in political and religious antiquities, they present a great mass 
of new facts, opening up new fields of speculation, and setting 
up new landmarks, correcting many accepted views, and guiding 
into a more remote past the steps of philosophical research. 
Along with kindred and contemporaneous discoveries in the 
field of Egyptian antiquity, they must eventually lead to a great 
enlargement and reshaping of current doctrines in regard to the 
life, art, and religion of the ancient world, and of this not a few 
pledges have already been secured. The veil of myth cast by 
time upon the early history of mankind is being lifted off, and 
names and facts which had assumed, among later peoples, a 
fabulous magnitude and a false position, are being restored to 
their true place and proportions. The mirage which has so long 
haunted these desert regions will, we trust, be by and by dissi- 
pated, and the true features of the landscape come to view. 
In the department of human history, our science has made some 
steps of marked advance towards that beginning at which it can 
never cease to aim, and which, if it do not refuse the light 
which revelation offers, it may, in this department, possibly 
reach. 

I conclude this paper, like its predecessor, by appealing to 
a few texts by which the renderings given by Rawlinson, 
Hincks, etc., of the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform, may be 
verified. At the same time, 1 may here, in passing, obviate an 
objection of a general kind brought forward, with much con- 
fidence, against the validity of all such renderings. The late 
Sir G. C. Lewis' has laid down the doctrine, that when the 
tradition of a language has been lost it cannot be recovered : 
and as he has expressly applied this doctrine to cast discredit on 
the interpretations of the Egyptologers, we may be sure that he 
would equally have applied it to the efforts of that school of in- 
terpreters with which we have here to do. It is surprising that 
this author should have allowed himself to be imposed upon by 
a transparent ambiguity, the want of distinguishing between 

i In his Historical Survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 378. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 103 

loss absolute and loss partial. His reasoning is applicable only 
where the loss of tradition is absolute, and where no remi- 
niscence of the language remains, either in proper names, or in 
the vocabulary of sister and daughter dialects. But in this 
sense, the loss referred cannot be predicated either of the 
language of ancient Egypt, or of those of ancient Persia and 
Mesopotamia. In any other less absolute sense, it is true of 
Sanskrit, Greek, Hebrew, and other ancient tongues now 
familiarly read. 

Of considerations confirmatory of the truth of the results 
already obtained — 1. I may urge, what has been already urged in 
regard to the Persian monuments, that such tests as exist of these 
results fully establish their general correctness. A few meagre 
bilingual legends have been found containing scraps of cuneiform 
writing with its equivalent in Phoenician characters, and these, so 
far as they go, furnish satisfactory confirmation. Such are the 
legends upon the Nineveh weights discovered by Layard.* Similar 
legends have been found on bricks from Babylon.' Last year, 
Sir H. Rawlinson wrote, "I have found that a considerable 
number of these tablets (' contract* tablets in the British 
Museum) have a memorandum in the cursive Phoenician cha- 
racter scratched upon their margin, intended, as it would seem, 
to assist the Nineveh librarian in the arrangement of the docu- 
ments. These Phoenician legends are rude, and in many cases 
nearly illegible, but wherever I have been able to read them, I 
have found them to give the same names as are inscribed in the 
cuneiform character in the body of the tablet; the much- 
desired test of bilingual writing being thus at length obtained."'* 
In some cases, the rendering of the epigraphs on the Nineveh 
bas-reliefs is found strikingly verified by the sculptural repre- 
sentations : as in the scene of torture from Kouyunjik, where 
the writing declares that " these men having spoken blasphemy 
against Asshur, the great god of the Assyrians, their tongues 
were pulled out,"* — in agreement with the picture. We can here 

* See his Nineveh and Babylon, p. 601. Norris, Jour. Asiat. Soc., xvi., p. 215 f. 
"*" ' See Fresnel, in Journal Asiatique, Juin, 1853, p. 518. Cf. Levy, Phdnizische 
Studien, ii., p. 23. The name of the parricidal son of Sennacherib, the Sharezer 
of Isaiah xxxvii. 38, is read by Oppert, from the cuneiform, Asar-sarr-usur. 
The hilt of his sword made of copper has been found at Khorsabad, bearing the 
legend in Phoenician wotdn, as M. Lenormant at once read it, when the relic 
was submitted to the Academic by M. Place. See Jour. Asiat., Fev.-Mar., 1857, 
p. 142. 

» See Athenamm, February, 1863, p. 229. 

" See Layard, Nin. and Bab., p. 456 f. Another instance, p. 152. Of a 
rock tablet, near Korkhar in Armenia, containing a figure of Tiglath Piloser I., 
Mr. Rawlinson says (Anc. Monarchies, ii., p. 331, n7), " This monument, the 
earliest Assyrian sculpture which is known to exist, is mentioned by Asshur- 



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104 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

also use the tests already employed in another connection, and 
appeal, on the one hand, to the unforced emergence of many of 
the roots and forms of the Shemitic group of tongues from 
Assyrian and Babylonian documents f and on the other hand, 
to the verifications which history affords. These are often very 
striking, and altogether inexplicable if the decipherment is arbi- 
trary or deceptive. Thus Berosus relates that Nebuchadnezzar 
built one of the great structures of Babylon in fifteen days f and 
the same statement is now read on his extant inscriptions in re- 
ference to his palace. Berosus further informs us that the 
Chaldeans used a peculiar numerical nomenclature, calculating 
by Sossi, Sari, and Neri, and this nomenclature re-appears in 
the cuneiform monuments. It is unnecessary to multiply such 
facts.? The general consistency of the readings, from the newly- 
discovered documents with admitted history, is acknowledged by 
all, and is daily receiving fresh illustration. This agreement is 
specially remarkable in the field of Jewish history, and if there 
are any to whom the 'cuneiform records and the Hebrew Scrip- 
tures are alike doubtful, they will find in their singular coinci- 
dence of statement a fact which ought to arrest their attention, 
which cannot be the result of chauce, which certainly has not 
been the result of design on the part of the writers or decipherers 
on either side, and which only the hypothesis of truth on both 
sides can rationally account for. 

2. The results obtained have accrued from the labour of 
independent and rival investigators. " There is a short proof 
which should suffice to inspire confidence in the general truth 
of these discoveries and results, and that is, that not only one 
laborious and indefatigable mind has applied itself, with all the 
aids that extensive learning and keen sagacity can supply, to 
the careful and gradual ascertainment of each separate letter 
and word, but that kindred spirits of energy, knowledge, and 
zeal, from Grotefend to Rawlinson and Hincks, have been 
sedulously engaged in the same task during a succession of 
years, and in places wide apart; and that the conclusions at 
which they have arrived in the progressive stages of research, 

idanni-pal, the father of the Black Obelisk king, in his great inscription, and it 
was mainly in consequence of this mention, that Mr. John Taylor, being re- 
quested by Sir H. Rawlinson to explore the sources of the Tigris, discovered in 
1862 the actual tablet, a circumstance which may seem to clear away any linger- 
ing doubts that still exist in any quarter as to the actual decipherment of the 
Assyrian inscriptions." 

See Oppert's Orammaire Assyrienne, passim. 

' See Berosi Fragmenta, ed. Richter, p. 66. Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii., 
p. 587. Talbot in Jour. Sac. Lit., January, 1856, p 418. 

» Cf. Bunsen, Philosophy of History, i., p. 199, f. 



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1864.] Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. 105 

by their separate and independent operations, are generally 
accordant." 1 * The manifold partial discrepancies in the results of 
the leading cuneiform scholars prove their mutual independence, 
and their mutual jealousies, often displayed, not without occa- 
sional acerbity of expression, give us equally the assurance that 
there is no collusion or compact to deceive ; while agreement 
and disagreement alike prove the truth of the basis on which 
their operations proceed. The objection that these different 
inquirers, though mutually independent, and even jealous, yet 
go upon the same principles, and start from the same point, and 
that, therefore, it is to be expected they should reach the same 
results, is irrelevant. What if they found no other point to 
start from, no other road to take ? The way of truth in this 
study may be narrow, but it is not the less truth that several 
unprejudiced and rival students agree to tread it together. Of 
the account and character of the agreement and difference 
actually existing in the results of these independent researches, 
the public have been afforded the means of judging by a com- 
petitive trial, instituted some time ago, between the four leading 
investigators, Rawlinson, Hincks, Talbot, and Oppert, in render- 
ing a text previously unread/ "Upon the whole," says the 
late Professor H. H. Wilson, one of the judges in this trial, 
" the result of this experiment, than which a fairer test could 
scarcely be devised, may be considered as establishing almost 
definitely the correctness of the valuation of the characters of 
these inscriptions. ... It is somewhat different with respect to 
the words of the language. The almost invariable concurrence 
of the translators in the general sense of the several paragraphs 
shews that they are agreed to give the same interpretation to 
a very considerable portion — if not the larger portion — of the 
vocabulary. At the same time the differences prove that much 
remains to be effected before the sense of every term can be 
confidently read." This is a calm and just verdict. It is, at 
the same time, to be remembered that great progress has been 
made in the study since this trial was instituted, and a greater 
convergence of opinion on the part of cuneiform scholars might 
now be reasonably anticipated. 

3. Nothing but the true system of interpretation could bring 
out self-consistent results in such a field of research. I have 
already urged their self-consistency in proof of the correctness 
of the translations from the Persian inscriptions; but the same 
fact may be much more strongly urged here. For here the 

r Report of the Royal Asiatic Society ', 1854, p. xvi. 

' See Inscription of Tiglctth PUeser I. London, 1857. (Published also in 
Jour, of Asiat. JSoc., xviii., pp. 150 — 219). 



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106 Cuneiform Inscriptions Described and Tested. [October, 

number and variety of the extant inscriptions are greatly 
enlarged. They have been gathered from many different locali- 
ties over a wide region : they have been found in many different 
situations, on slabs, on rocks, on statues, on cylinders, on bricks: 
they have evidently emanated from many different individuals 
and different peoples, and as evidently are to be dated from very 
different periods of time. This variety and multiplicity of the 
documents concur with the number and independence of the 
interpreters to give us a full guarantee of the general truth of 
the renderings. It is impossible for us to believe that a decipher- 
ment proceeding contemporaneously from several individuals, and 
agreeing to reduce these very numerous and multifarious records 
to one and the same self-consistent historical scheme (differences 
in detail not here coming into account), — a scheme which 
embraces the affairs of nations hitherto all but entirely unknown, 
and which stretches through many centuries covered heretofore 
with the midst of fable, can be the result either of chance or of 
deception. 

W. T. 



I have here sent you (my dear sister Katherine) a book, which altho' it be 
not outwardly trim'd with gold, or the curious embroidery of the art fullest 
needles, yet inwardly it is more worth than all the precious mines which the 
vast world can boast of. It is the Book, my only best, and best lov'd sister, of 
the law of the Lord : it is the Testament and last will which he bequeathed 
unto us wretches and wretched sinners, which shall lead you to the path of 
eternal joy : and if you with a good mind read it, and with an earnest desire 
follow it, no doubt it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It will 
teach you to live and learn you to die : it will win you more, and endow you 
with greater felicity than you should have gained by our woful father's lands ; 
for as if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his honours and 
manors ; so if you apply diligently this Book, seeking to direct your life according 
to the rule of the same, you shall be an inheritor of such riches, as neither the 
covetous shall withdraw from you, neither the thief shall steal, neither the 
moth corrupt. Desire with David, my best sister, to understand the law of 
the Lord your God ; live still to die, that you by death may purchase eternal 
life, and trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your life ; for 
unto God, when he calleth, all hours, times and seasons are alike, and bless'd- 
are they whose lamps are furnish'd when he cometh, for as soon will the 
Lord be glorified in the young as in the old. — Ixidy Jane Grey. 



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1864.] ( 107 ) 



A RATIONAL VIEW OF HEBREW CHRONOLOGY. 

The present state of opinion respecting the chronology of the 
Bible is far from satisfactory. Several of those writers who, it 
is presumed, would not, on any account, be considered in the 
slightest degree enemies to revelation, have made such professions 
and admissions as appear to the writer of the ensuing pages 
calculated to shake the entire foundation of true belief, not only 
in that subject, but in the rest of Scripture. Grant that there 
are serious errors in the Bible, on one branch of its records 
generally, and it may be questioned whether it is possible 
to set any bounds to unbelief in any other point of its con- 
tents, but those which every man may be inclined to prescribe 
to himself. 



If the celebrated English moralist had flourished in our time, 
he would have had no occasion to remark the paucity of those 
who take the trouble of thinking for themselves. His observa- 
tions on life might have led him to a very opposite conclusion. 
He might with much more reason have complained that there 
are multitudes of all classes who decide very positively and very 
pertinaciously, of their own minds, questions on which they 
possess information very inadequate for forming a tolerable judg- 
ment. There is not an opinion, however sacred, but is dis- 
believed on all sides, upon very partial and superficial inquiry. 
If it were asserted, for example, that it is reasonable to believe 
that the world was created by an almighty and intelligent 
Being, and that He published to mankind a written system of 
divine instruction for the guidance of His rational creatures, from 
one state exposed to infinite misery, to another of as inconceiv- 
able felicity, it would be impossible to flatter ourselves that such 
opinions would not be met in some quarters with ineffable con- 
tempt. If it were further affirmed to be credible that the divine 
mind presided over the composition of the volume, so that it 
contains every doctrine and every fact which are necessary for 
the instruction of men in their preparation for an everlasting 
state of existence; and if it were, moreover, asserted that all 
which it does contain, from its beginning to its end, is reasonably 
believed to be almost unexceptionably a relation of truths and 
facts worthy of an infallible Being, without any disguise or con- 
cealment of knowledge, but such as might be expected to be 
observed within it, there exists a minority, though it is to be 
hoped a small one, in whom such opinions would excite a smile 
of scornful derision. In spite, however, of all this opposition of 



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108 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

science or philosophy, we embark on our enterjirize in a firm 
conviction of the truth of these asseverations, and in the full 
belief in the existence of an ability in the world to defend them 
against all assailants, if it were necessary or expedient to 
encounter such a host of adversaries. And in the deepest per- 
suasion that the Bible is inspired and perfect in its nature, 
barring slight errata which may have crept into the text through 
the inadvertency of transcribers, we resolutely declare that as it 
is highly credible, and would have been perfectly reasonable to 
anticipate, that God would cause a book to be written as the very 
best means that invention could devise of continually conveying 
divine information to successive ages of the world, so upon the 
same principle it is perfectly agreeable to reason to believe that 
the providence of God would take care to preserve the book 
from all errors of considerable importance for the benefit of 
those who would avail themselves of His wise and gracious pro- 
vision for their salvation, and that in consequence, the book 
which has been delivered down to our times, and promises to 
survive for all future generations, is correct as well as true in all 
its particulars, except as far as the almost unavoidable inaccuracy 
of copyists may have introduced little more than inappreciable 
imperfections. 

Much has very recently been written in support of this 
theory by very able champions of the truth on many points, but 
there is one subject on which little or nothing has been advanced, 
upon what may be called the orthodox and faithful side of the 
question, and it is hoped the following pages may supply an 
apparent defect in the publications of the times. 

There is no more serious objection brought against the 
belief of the composition of the Scripture under divine influence 
than the discovery of any presumed internal contradiction to 
itself, or any similar inconsistency with undisputed phenomena 
of nature. It is under this conviction that certain appearances 
in the chronology of Scripture have been converted into argu- 
ments against its accuracy, and therefore against its veracity and 
inspiration. It is the design of this article to prove that it is 
worthy of belief that, in this very point of dispute, our Bible in 
its original language is to be depended upon as a narrative of 
truth. 

Now it is alleged by writers, the grounds of whose opinion 
deserve investigation, that reasons exist which are sufficient to 
induce doubts upon the point of a very serious nature. The 
greatest stumbling-block in the way of an implicit confidence in 
the chronology of the Authorized Version of the Old Testament 
is the shortness of the period between the deluge, which is said 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 109 

to have happened 2348 B.C., and certain events which are 
recorded in heathen and particularly Egyptian history. There 
are other objections, but of a subordinate character. It will 
facilitate a concise and clear discussion of these prejudices 
against the Hebrew verity if we classify them under the three 
following heads, which will include all the most important points 
necessary to be taken into consideration. 

I. The chronology derived from the history and monuments 
of the Egyptians. 

II. The arguments professedly connected with the Septuagint 
Version, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the works of Josephus, 
and the testimony of early Christian, Jewish, and Pagan writers 
with reference to those particular authorities. 

III. The supposed proofs contained in the Bible itself, of its 
own incorrectness considered relatively to extraneous evidences, 
and absolutely with its own revelations. 

We will consider them, and we hope sufficiently, in the order 
of the above arrangement, but before we begin we will shortly 
describe one of our modes of managing the case. 

It is not consistent with the brevity which we study, in this 
defence of our faith, to reproduce very much of the discourses 
of previous writers. We shall have to draw rather copiously 
from their statements, but it is no part of our intention to verify 
either the acccuracy of their quotations or the fairness of their 
deductions. Opposite courses would neither be convenient to 
ourselves, residing at a distance from many books of reference, 
nor be, as it appears to us, by any means an indispensable 
expenditure of time and labour, nor tend to the production of a 
compendious and inexpensive treatise for all classes of readers. 
We do not vouch for the defensibility of every item we extract 
from the discourses to which we shall refer, but we shall accept 
the assertions of the most respectable writers, nothing doubting 
that they are correct in the gross ; and as we shall treat both 
sides alike, in that respect, we shall not, we trust, be justly 
chargeable with undue partiality. We shall, where we think 
it necessary or expedient, dispute their inferences. We are 
answerable for nothing but what we maintain on our own 
authority, and it will be enough for us to form right conclusions 
from such premises as we deem a sufficient basis for human 
judgment. 

I. Now, first, as to the Egyptian chronology compared 
with that of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament. This 
chronology is represented as widely different from the Hebrew, 
and especially in a period of the Hebrew which is much 
disputed on other grounds. There are two ways of looking 



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110 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

at the matter. This chronological system may be regarded, 
abstractedly from the alleged disagreements, on its general claims 
to respect relative with those of the Hebrew system ; and also 
on the respective titles to belief of the internal specific differ- 
ences themselves. It will conduce to something like perspicuity 
if we confine ourselves, first, under this head, to the abstract 
consideration of these opposing claims, and reserve particulars 
to subsequent paragraphs. 

Now, in viewing these two systems abstractedly from any of 
their internal differences, — on the one hand we behold, in the 
Hebrew, a chronology which professes at least to speak without 
ambiguity, and generally with great precision, a chronology of a 
most singular people and of a most extraordinary volume; a 
people who alone claim to have lived under the instruction and 
direction of the one true God, and a volume which claims to be 
composed by divine inspiration, and both whose demands have 
been allowed by the great majority, at least, of learned philo- 
sophers and divines: on the other, we see a system of chronology, 
dating from the remotest and darkest ages of antiquity, of a pro- 
fane people of heathens and idolaters, who have been left entirely 
to their resources, negligences, and devices; a chronological 
system too of which its learned patrons confess, as well as its 
learned opponents proclaim, that it is very far, indeed, from 
precise, and so full of uncertainty, that it can with great difficulty 
be understood, in any intelligent manner, by all the ingenuity of 
its interpreters. 

But this adverse statement to the Egyptian chronology, 
ascribed to its supporters and opponents, we must, before we 
proceed to other considerations, substantiate by competent evi- 
dence. And to this effect (we take his remarks nearly in their 
own order), one of the adherents of the Egyptian chronology 
declares, "The Egyptians do not appear to have had any com- 
mon era. Every document that bears the date of a year, gives 
the year of the reigning sovereign, counted from that current year 
in which he came to the throne, which was called his first year 
(p. 505). Egyptian technical chronology gives no direct evidence 
in favour of the high antiquity which some assign to the founda- 
tion of the first kingdom. The earliest record which all Egypt- 
ologers are agreed to regard as affording a date is of the fifteenth 
century B.C., and no one has alleged any such record to be of 
any earlier time than the twenty-fourth century b.c The 
Egyptians themselves seem to have placed the beginning of the 
first dynasty in the twenty-eighth century b.c, but for deter- 
mining this epoch there is no direct monumental evidence 
(p. 506). The materials for historical chronology are the monu- 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. Ill 

ments and the retrains of the historical work of Manetho. 
Since the interpretation of hieroglyphics has been discovered, 
the evidence of the monuments has been brought to bear on 
this subject, but as yet it has not been sufficiently full and 
explicit to enable us to set aside other aid. We have had to 
look elsewhere for a general framework, the details of which the 
monuments might fill up. The remains of Manetho are now 
generally held to supply this want. (The three or four lines 
here omitted will be given subsequently.) The information 
Manetho gives us in the present form of his work is, however, 
by no means explicit, and it is only by a theoretical arrangement 
of the materials that they take a definite form. The remains of 
Manetho's historical work consist of a list of the Egyptian 
dynasties, and two considerable fragments, one relating to the 
shepherds, and the other to a tale of the Exodus. The list is 
only known to us in the epitome given by Africanus, preserved 
by Syncellus, and that given by Eusebius (p. 506, 507). These 
present such great differences that it is not reasonable to hope 
that we can restore a correct text. The earlier portion seems 
to represent parallel lines, the later a succession ; the evidence 
of the monuments leads to the same conclusion, — kings who 
unquestionably belong to different dynasties are shewn by them 
to be contemporary. In the present state of Egyptology, this 
evidence has led to various results as to the number of contem- 
porary dynasties, and the consequent duration of the whole 
history (p. 507). The evidence of the Egyptians as to the pri- 
meval history of their race and country is extremely indefinite. 
The absence of any important traditional period is very remark- 
able in the fragments of Egyptian history. These commence 
with the divine dynasties, and pass abruptly to the human dynas- 
ties. The latest portion of the first may, indeed, be traditional, 
not mythical, and the earliest part of the second may be tradi- 
tional, not historical, though this last conjecture we are hardly 
disposed to admit. In any case, however, there is a very short 
and extremely obscure time of tradition, and at no great dis- 
tance from the earliest date at which it can be held to end, we 
come upon the clear light of history, in the days of the pyramids. 
The indications are of a sudden change of seat, and the settle- 
ment in Egypt of a civilized race, which, either wishing to be 
believed autochthonous, or having lost all ties that could keep 
up the traditions of its first dwelling-place, filled up the 
commencement of its history with materials drawn from mytho- 
logy."* 

• Dr. Smith's Bib. Did., art. Egypt, by Mr. Stuart Poole, p. 605—507, 507. 

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112* A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

And, here, secondly, to continue our vouchers for the state- 
ment we have made as to the difficulty, if not impossibility, of 
extracting any intelligible and definite system from the chrono- 
logical records of Egypt, another of the adopters of the Egyptian 
chronology, in preference to the Hebrew, makes the following 
acknowledgments : " The Egyptian monuments contain no con- 
tinuous chronology, and no materials from which a continuous 
chronological scheme can be framed."' [Adding, in a note, " the 
history of the dynasties preceding the eighteenth, ,, says Mr. 
Stuart Poole, " is not told by any continuous series of monu- 
ments. Except those of the fourth and twelfth dynasties, there 
are scarcely any records of the age left to the present day." 6 
M. Bunsen also says of the Egyptian monuments, " Such monu- 
ments cannot, indeed, compensate for the want of written history ; 
even chronology, its framework, cannot be elicited from them. " c ] 
" The possibility of constructing such a scheme depends en- 
tirely upon the outline which has been preserved to us of the 
Sebenuytic priest, Manetho, who composed a history of Egypt 
under the early Ptolemies. This outline is in a very imperfect 
condition, and the two versions of it, which we find in Syncellus, 
and in the Armenian Eusebius, differ con side rably." " It is 
allowed on all hands by M. Bunsen, no less than by others, that 
no chronological scheme of any real value can be formed from 
Manetho's lists until it be first determined either which dynas- 
ties and monarchs were contemporary, or what deduction from 
the sum total of the dynastic years is to be made on account of 
contemporaneousness." "Even with respect to Menes" (the 
pretended earliest king), " and the supposed date of B.C. 3892 " 
(Lepsius), "or 3623" (Bunsen), "for his accession; on what 
does it in reality depend ? — not on any monumental evideuce, 
but simply on the supposition that in a certain passage (greatly 
disputed) of Syncellus, he has correctly represented Manetho's 
views, and on the further supposition that Manetho's were abso- 
lutely right. But is it reasonable to suppose that Manetho had 
data for determining, with such exactitude, an event so remote, 
even if it be a real event at all, as the accession of Menes ?" 
(" Whether Menes was an historic personage at all may reason- 
ably be doubted. It is not pretended that he left any monu- 
ments.") " It is plain and palpable, and, moreover, universally 
admitted, that between the ancient monarchy (or rather monar- 
chies) of Egypt and the later kingdom, there intervened a time 
of violent disturbance — the period known as the domination of 
the Hyksds, — during which the native Egyptians suffered 

* Biblical Dictionary, vol. i., p. 509. c Egypt, vol. i., p. 32. 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. J 13 

extreme oppression, and throughout Egypt all was disorder and 
confusion. The notices of this period are so vague and uncer- 
tain, that moderns dispute whether it lasted five hundred, six 
hundred, nine hundred, or two thousand years. Few monu- 
ments belong to it. It is extremely doubtful whether an 
Egyptian of Manetho's age, honestly investigating the records 
of the past, could have carried on chronology, with any approach 
to exactness, beyond the commencement of the eighteenth 
dynasty, which effected the expulsion of the Hyksds, or shep- 
herd kings." " Let it be granted that Manetho honestly endea- 
voured to collect and arrange the lists of kings in the several 
states among which Egypt was parcelled out : what a task was 
before him ! Royal monuments, or dynastic lists, of better or 
worse authority, might give him the names of the monarchs, 
and the number of years that each had borne the royal title. 
But, as ' association ' was widely practised in Egypt, two or 
three, or even more, kings occupying the throne together, it 
would have been a work of extreme difficulty, without full and 
detailed records, which can scarcely be supposed to have gener- 
ally survived the Hyksds period ; to make out, from the length 
of the reigns, the duration of any dynasty, and to determine 
what dynasties were contemporary, and what consecutive, 
would have been a still harder task. It is extremely doubtful 
whether Manetho really made any effort to overcome these 
difficulties."'* 

And now, thirdly, after having extracted enough, we think, 
from the writings of those who are most friendly to the Egyp- 
tian chronology, in defence of our assertion of its unintelli- 
gibility, to make that defence complete, one of the most learned 
and excellent opponents of that system, who has expressed his 

4 Aids to Faith. Rawlinson, Pent., § 17. We subjoin, for the satisfaction of 
the curious, an account of the mode of reasoning by which a writer, who is so 
sensible of the imperfections of the Egyptian chronology, is induced, notwith- 
standing, to prefer it to the Hebrew. " Turning to the evidence of ancient 
history and tradition, we find the numbers of the LXX. confirmed rather than 
those of the Hebrew. The history and civilization of Egypt and Assyria, with 
Babylonia, reach to a time earlier than in the first case, and about as early as in 
the second, the Hebrew date of the flood, whence the numbers of the LXX., 
up to the deluge, would seem to be correct, for an accidental agreement can 
scarcely be admitted. If correct, are we, therefore, to suppose them original, 
that is, of the original text whence the LXX. version was made? This 
appears to be a necessary consequence of their correctness, since the trans- 
lators probably were not sufficiently acquainted with external sources to 
obtain numbers either actually or approximative^ true, even if they externally 
existed, and, had they had this knowledge, it is scarcely likely they would have 
used it in the manner supposed. On the whole, therefore, we are inclined to 
prefer the LXX. numbers after the deluge, and as consistent with them, and 
probably of the same authority, as those before the deluge." — Biblical Dictionary, 
p. 320. 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. I 



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114 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

thorough contempt for the authority of the monuments, and of 
Manetho himself, in a long dissertation (much the greater part 
of which would well repay the labour of perusal), takes, so to 
speak, for the text of his discourse, this very remarkable passage 
from Eusebius : " We are directly informed by him," says he, 
" that Manetho voucheth this as the main testimony of his 
credibility ; that he took his history from some pillars in the 
land of Seriad, in which they were inscribed in the sacred dialect 
by the first Mercury Thoyth, and after the flood were translated 
out of the sacred dialect into the Greek tongue, in hieroglyphics, 
and are laid up in books among the revestries of the Egyptian 
temples, by Agatho-cUemon, the second Mercury, the father of 
Tat ."< 

So much for confessions and declarations, touching the subject 
in debate, proceeding from opposite partizans. 

Now, without thinking at this moment what are the special 
internal differences between these two authorities, the Hebrew 
and the Egyptian chronology, that we may come to the point at 
issue immediately, to prefer the chronology of the Egyptians to 
that of the Hebrew Bible, is to give the preference to profane 
vague traditions descending from the earliest and darkest periods 
of heathenism, over a definite chronology which has strong pre- 
tensions to divine authenticity ; and we assert that on this 
primd facie view of the case, it is a preposterous preference, or, 
at least, a preference not agreeable to reason. We maintain 
that it is neither more nor less than reasonable, if we consider 
the comparison thus abstractedly, without examining the inter- 
nal claims of either system, to believe the book which has almost 
universally established among the learned its title to divinity, 
rather than the works of unassisted heathens, and more particu- 
larly of a nation proverbial for mysticism, however ingenious 
they may have been in any of the arts of life, during the primi- 
tive ages of antiquity. 

We know that it is alleged, even by one of those anti- 
Hebraist writers whom we have already cited, that a comparison 
with the monuments has shewn that Manetho drew his informa- 
tion from original sources, the general authenticity of which is 
vindicated by minute points of agreement;/ and by the other, 
that Sir Gardner Wilkinson inclines to place the accession of 
Menes about b.c 2690/ and that both the versions of Manetho's 
list agree in representing Egypt as governed by thirty dynasties of 
kings from Menes to Alexander, and the sum of the years which 

• Bishop Stillingfleet's Oriq. Sac., ii., 11. 
/ Bib. Vict. Egypt. Hist. Chro. t p. 506. 

* Aids to Faith. Pent., p. 256. 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 1 15 

they assign to these dynasties is a little above (or a little below) 
five thousand, and that the monuments have proved, with respect 
to those lists of Manetho, that (speaking generally) they are 
historical — that the persons mentioned were real men, who 
actually lived and reigned in Egypt.* 

But from these proofs of the reality of the persons, and of 
the truth of the records of Manetho, in consequence of their 
agreeing with the monuments, we are constrained most entirely 
to dissent. Indeed, only one page after this profession, the 
latter writer has avowed that it may reasonably be doubted 
whether there ever existed such a king as Menes.* 

The concurrence of Manetho's list, and of. the monuments, 
certainly proves one thing. It proves the truth, in part, of 
what we have but this instant read concerning him from Euse- 
bius, that he obtained his- information from the monuments. 
And it shews further, that his records of dates are not of inde- 
pendent authority ; that they are of no more value than the 
testimony of the monuments; and that the authenticity of his 
dates and facts depends entirely on the pillars ; that of those of 
the pillars, agreeably to his own attestation, depending on the 
god Mercury. So indefinite and uncertain, not to say fabulous, 
must be much of the Egyptian system resting on these founda- 
tions. We cannot ourselves, for the life of us, perceive the 
wisdom of opposing to the God of Heaven the heathen god 
Mercury, as of superior authority ; nor to the book of Genesis, 
and its definite records, the most probably mythical traditions of 
the obscurest antiquity in defence of dates inscribed on pillars, 
nobody knows when, and by nobody knows whom. 

We deem it, on the contrary, perfectly reasonable to prefer 
the chronicles of Moses to these authorities on this abstract 
view of the case, and to maintain that preference ; unless, on 
internal examination, the system of the Hebrew must appear to 
be indisputably incorrect, and can be truly understood only in 
agreement with what may be shewn by some legerdemain to be 
the Egyptian theory. 

But we can perceive no necessity for either of these hypo- 
theses. We have stated that the difficulty in the minds of our 
opponents lies in the Hebrew date of the deluge (2348 b.c.), 
not affording, in their judgment, a sufficient length of time for 
the origin and progress of Egyptian arts and civilization. We 
believe, on the contrary, that the two thousand years which, on 
the assumption of that date, must have expired before the age 
of Manetho, and nearly the same interval which preceded the 

* p. 253. ' Aids to Faith. Pent, p. 254, and note. 

12 



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116 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

history of Herodotus, was an abundant space for a heathen 
nation to have wandered in mythological error, without the light 
of history, and, according to the Bible, to have commenced vast 
works of art and ingenuity at even an early point of that pro- 
tracted era. For we see, on the authority of our Sacred Volume, 
that the immediate progeny of our first forefather were probably 
inspired by God with a knowledge of various arts necessary for 
their comfort and convenience ; and we deem it probable that, 
as far as was requisite, the same blessings were bestowed on the 
descendants of the first family who survived the flood. But our 
authority, in other respects, exceeds probability. We observe, 
that that family must have possessed great knowledge of at least 
naval architecture, and that when, probably, little more than 
two centuries had elapsed from the time of the construction of 
the ark, the people presumed on the skill to design and to exe- 
cute the most ambitious of human edifices. We perceive also, 
from the same records, that the population of the earth, by virtue 
of the longevity of man, related in the eleventh chapter of the 
book of Genesis, might have been soon after increased to hun- 
dreds of thousands, and have, in a great proportion, migrated, 
on the general dispersion, to a land where they indulged their 
lofty aspirations in the erection of those pyramidical structures 
which are the wonders of the world, and of other monuments 
which bear the inscriptions of a fabulous antiquity. 

We are, therefore, not obliged, in this case, to have recourse 
to any alteration of dates to reduce our Bible to consistency, and 
the Egyptian progress within the range of credibility. And as 
there is no insuperable objection to the accuracy of the Hebrew 
record, we hold it reasonable for Manetho to yield the palm of 
truth to Moses, aud the monuments of Egypt to renounce all 
pretensions to rival the veracity of the book of Genesis. 

II. If the slightest preponderance inclines the Egyptian 
scale, it must be owing to the addition of matter derived from 
extraneous authorities. Such authorities are alleged to exist in 
the works of Josephus, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and most 
especially in the Septuagint version of the Hebrew Bible. These 
arc all witnesses against the original of the authorized English 
translation. 

It would be thought, probably by persons acquainted only 
with the origin, the age, and the reception of the Septuagint, 
with the genuineness of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and with the 
credibility of Josephus as an historian, that their united opposi- 
tion to the Hebrew text, in any particular department, must be 
sufficient to excite, at least, reluctant doubts of its accuracy in 
the mind of the believer. They might naturally expect that 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 117 

they were witnesses in perfect agreement against the disputed 
original, and that they were each of them of very credible inte- 
grity. And, no doubt, if no evidence could be discovered against 
the purity of their own texts, and if they were all united in their 
testimony against our Hebrew Bible, their reputation and agree- 
ment would cast a shade of discredit upon its fair pretensions. 
It would not be easy to see how we could reasonably place secure 
reliance upon the correctness of the Hebrew text on the points 
in dispute, except by suspecting that there was some conspiracy 
in early times against its system. But nothing can be well 
further from the truth than either of these suppositions. The 
three opponents to the Hebrew text are, none of them, above 
not suspicion only, but disbelief. They are all open to very 
serious charges of corruption. Veracious as Josephus is as an 
historian, and correct as he probably was originally as a chrono- 
loger, his text, at the present day, is, in the latter respect, 
proverbially full of inaccuracies. Professor Faussett very pro- 
perly pronounces it " a mass of confusion and inconsistency."* 
That the Samaritan Pentateuch again has been tampered with 
is so certain, that Bishop Walton does not hesitate to reflect on 
the idea of the purity of its text with derision and contempt/ and 
even Dr. Hales presumes that he has detected in it the grossest 
forgeries in chronology itself.-' We are inclined to be little 
less sparing in our censure of the text of the Septuagint ; but 
are contented, at the present moment, only to observe that one 
of the most startling and convincing facts in connection with 
these three witnesses against the Hebrew verity is, that they all 
differ very materially from one another in the controverted 
points of its chronology. There are not two of the witnesses 
that " agree together." Two, at least, of the three most cer- 
tainly have been corrupted on the very article in question. 
Their contradictory testimony would be fortunate to escape, in 
a court of justice, a prosecution for perjury, and will not be, for 
a moment, allowed at the bar of our own conscience. 

But, though we dismiss these three witnesses thus summarily 
in their collective capacity, it must not be concealed that most 
strenuous efforts have been exerted to establish the claims of 
the Septuagint individually above all its competitors, including 
the Hebrew itself. The Septuagint allows six or seven hundred 
more years than the Hebrew for the indulgence of Egyptian 
imaginations, and is, in short, the pretended assertor of chrono- 
logical truth, agreeable to its literal emanation from its divine 

* Sac. Chron., p. 23. ' ProUgom., xi., 17. 

i Hist. Chron., vol. i., § "., v., 1, 



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118 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

Author. It is contended that the Hebrew text was much more 
likely to be corrupted than that of the Septuagint, and on argu- 
ments which may certainly appear very convincing, if they are 
considered separately from any objections to which they are 
justly liable, but appear to us no less certainly almost as light as 
air when examined by those equitable criterions. 

We believe that we shall do full justice to the cause of our 
opponents, if we display to the reader all the most formidable 
attacks on the Hebrew chronology of probably the most deter- 
mined and most laborious of its assailants. 

He asserts that (1.) " the inspection of various editions and 
the copious collations of the Hebrew text, with a great number 
of MSS. collected from all parts of the world by the laudable 
industry and extensive researches of Kennicott and De Rossi, 
and other learned men, have proved that the sacred classics are 
no more exempt from various readings than the profane ; (2.) 
that hence the Hebrew copies are equally obnoxious to adultera- 
tion as the Greek; (3.) but that the Hebrew copies afforded 
greater facilities and opportunities of adulteration than the 
Greek, for in the course of the Jewish war, until the final de- 
struction of Jerusalem, and expulsion of the Jews from Judaea 
in the reign of Adrian, vast numbers of the Hebrew copies 
must have been lost or destroyed, besides those that were taken 
away by the conquerors among other spoils, and the few that were 
left were confined in great measure to the Jews themselves, as 
the Hebrew language was not in general use like the Greek. 
Whereas of the Greek copies, even if all that were possessed by 
the Hellenistic Jews, not only in Palestine but throughout the 
world, had been destroyed, which was far from being the case, 
yet the copies of the LXX. in the possession of the Christians 
everywhere rendered any material adulteration of the Greek 
text, at least in so important a case as that of the genealogies, 
well nigh impossible ; (4.) also, the temptation to adulteration 
was greater in the Hebrew than in the Greek, after the first de- 
struction of Jerusalem by Titus, a.d. 70, the Jews were so 
oppressed by their national calamities that they could think of 
nothing else for a time, but about the end of the first century 
of the vulgar era they were roused to oppose the wonderful progress 
of Christianity. What principally excited their rage and vexa- 
tion was, that their own Scriptures were turned into artillery 
against them, to prove that Jesus was indeed the Christ from 
the days of the apostles (Acts xviii. 28). In order to bring the 
Septuagint Vulgate version, which was usually referred to by the 
Christians, into disrepute, amongst other things mentioned, they 
set up three other Greek versions in opposition thereto from 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 119 

their curtailed Hebrew text;* (5.) the motive which led the 
Jews to mutilate the patriarchal genealogies is most clearly ex- 
posed by Ephraeem Syrus, who died a.d. 378. " The Jews/' says 
he, " have subtracted six hundred years from the generations of 
Adam, Seth, etc., in order that their own books might not 
convict them concerning the coming of Christ ; he having been 
predicted to appear for the deliverance of mankind after 5500 
k years;"' but although the corruption of the Hebrew genealogies 
began as early as Aquila's version, a.d. 128, yet it does not 
appear to have made any considerable progress for two centuries 
after. Indeed, the shorter computation did not prevail in the 
Hebrew Bibles until a good while after his death, for Eusebius, 
who died a.d. 340, " found in the Hebrew copies which he con- 
sulted, different accounts of the times, some following the 
longer, others the shorter computation. " m 

Now we hope it will not be deemed affectation to disown 
that this array of allegation has to us the least alarming appear- 
ance. In defiance of it all, we hesitate not to contend that it 
is much more reasonable to believe that the Septuagint was 
altered from the short to the long computation, as it is called, 
than the Hebrew in the reverse direction. 

We esteem it, in the first place, a " scant measure" of 
equity to pronounce on the text of the Hebrew, as revised by 
Keunicott and De Rossi, the judgment we have repeated, — that 
" the sacred classics are no more exempt from various readings 
than the profane." It leaves, at least, the general reader at 
perfect liberty to imagine that those learned men may have dis- 
covered that that text has been exceedingly corrupted. It does 
not inform him that, considering the innumerable minute pecu- 
liarities of the Hebrew character, and the vast extent of the 
collations of those Hebrew scholars, it is almost wonderful that 
the number of differences in the text has beeu so small ; and 
more certainly still, that they have been, with very few and 
slight exceptions, of such insignificant import/ so that "no 
work has descended to the present day so free from alteration 
as the Hebrew Bible." 

But the next assertion, that " hence the Hebrew copies are 
equally obnoxious to adulteration as the Greek," does much 
greater violence to our convictions, both as an inference from 
the former, and in the measure of its comparison of the two 
authorities. We maintain, on the contrary, that the Greek has 
been much more obnoxious to adulteration than the Hebrew, 

* Hales's Anal., vol. i., pp. 275, 276. ' Vol. i., p. 278. ~— "~* 

- Hales's Anal, vol. i., p. 278. ■ Bishop Marsh, Lect. ix., 221—223. 
• Ibid., Lect. i., 67. 



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120 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

from the circumstances by which it was surrounded, and from 
the contrast between them actually observable. 

The reader is requested to understand, and to retain iu 
memory, that the Septuagint version of the Old Testament was 
incomparably more used among both Jews and Christians, in 
the age to which our attention is directed, than the Hebrew 
original. The numbers of the people who could read the one 
and not the other were beyond measure disproportionate. It 
may be perfectly true that the facilities for the corruption of the 
Hebrew were greater than for the corruption of the Septuagint, 
inasmuch as the number of copies to be altered was immeasur- 
ably less ; the copies also were much more concealed from public 
observation owing to the prevalent ignorance of the language 
in which they were written ; and as they were in the hands of a 
few, their adulteration might the more easily escape detec- 
tion. But whatever might be the excess of "facility" on 
one side, there was far more " temptation" to adulterate that 
version than the sacred text which it professed to interpret, and 
most certainly there was facility enough in all conscience for 
taking liberties in its depravation. In the first place, as to the 
" temptation" to vitiate. It has been urged that the Jews, at 
the commencement of the Christian era, were vexed and en- 
raged that their own " Scriptures were turned into artillery 
against them, to prove that Jesus was indeed th6 Christ, from 
the days of the apostles" (Acta xviir. 28). To avoid confusion 
of ideas, in this instauce it is necessary to observe that it was 
through the medium of the Septuagint that almost all this 
annoyance to the Jews was effected by "their own Scriptures." 
The Greek, not the Hebrew, was the powerful instrument of 
conversion and edification to Jew and Gentile. It was the 
Greek, too, from which it must have been the desire of the 
Christian to derive instruction. If there were any temptation 
at all to alter in any way the Old Testament, among either Jews 
or Christians, it must be the Greek translation, upon which all 
imaginary corrections or improvements would be made. There 
could be little or no temptation to alter the Hebrew, which 
might be said, by fair comparison, to be laid upon the shelf. 

And, secondly, there was probably as much "facility" as 
temptation. In spite of the notoriety of the Greek version, 
there most unquestionably was at least sufficient facility for its 
being adulterated to an indefinite extent. There certainly was 
this facility, because it is universally admitted that alterations 
in the text of the Septuagint were very considerable, both in 
number and significance. It was in a very corrupted state that 
the text of that volume came into the hands of one of its most 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 121 

learned correctors. When Origen "observed differences be- 
tween the Hebrew and the Greek, he does not appear to have 
suspected that those differences arose from any other cause than 
alterations in the latter."* A learned writer also of the present 
day, — an advocate of the Septuagint chronology, — admits in a 
treatise on that particular subject, that "with respect to the 
probability of accuracy arising from the state of the text, the 
Hebrew certainly has the advantage, and that the text of the 
Septuagint shews signs of a carelessness that would almost per- 
mit change ;"? and not to multiply authorities on a point which 
is indisputable, even Dr. Hales (who makes a most inadvertent 
misapplication of the testimony in direct opposition to its plain 
signification) has produced the evidence of Justin Martyr, as to 
several alterations or erasures by the Jews of the prophecies 
relative to the divinity, passion, and death of Christ, out of the 
copies of the Septuagint Vulgate version used in their syna- 
gogues. " Your rabbis," says he to Trypho, " have absolutely 
expunged many passages out of the Septuagint version, as I 
would have you to know. Still I will argue with you even from 
those received passages which ye admit, which, if your rabbis had 
understood, be assured they would have expunged them." r 

It certainly has been "conjee tured" and believed by Ephraeem 
Syrus, a Christian bishop of the East, who died about 378 a.d., 
that the alterations of the chronology of the Old Testament 
were made by the Jews in the original. His words are : " The 
Jews have subtracted six hundred years from the generations of 
Adam, Seth, etc., in order that their own books might not con- 
vict them concerning the coming of Christ, he having been 
predicted to appear for the deliverance of mankind after 5500 
years."' 

This passage in his writings refers to a constructive predic- 
tion of the Jews and Christians about the time of Christ. It 
was believed by the cabbalistic Jews and by Christians, partly on 
the six days of the creation being followed by the day of rest, 
and on the superstitious notion that the six alephs in Gen. i. 1, 
signified the six thousand years before the advent, which was an 
element in the so-called millennary theory. This theory was 
much believed by primitive Christians of distinction. Ephraeem 
Syrus appears to have been one of its adherents. He would 
then naturally believe in the Septuagint chronology, and might 
have been easily induced to lay its adulteration in the Hebrew 
to the charge of the Jews. But it is acknowledged by one of 

t Bishop Marsh, Lect. i. t 57. ♦ Bib. Diet. Chron., p. 320. 

r Hales, vol. i., p. 277. Justin Martyr Trypho, near the end of first day's 
dialogue. ' Hales, vol. i., p. 278. 



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122 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

our most learned and judicious opponents, that " the cause of 
the alterations is most uncertain. It has indeed been con- 
jectured," he says, " that the Jews shortened the chronology in 
order that an ancient prophecy, that the Messiah should come 
in the sixth millennary of the worlds age, might not be known 
to be fulfilled in the advent of our Lord. The reason/' he adds, 
" may be sufficient in itself, but it does not rest upon sufficient 
evidence."' 

Now we venture to assert that it is much more reasonable for 
our contemporaries to conjecture that the chronology of the 
Septuagint was altered by the Alexandrian Jews, to adapt their 
system to the Egyptian pretensions to antiquity, and by primi- 
tive Christians to make the system agree with the commonly 
received prediction, on three accounts most especially : — 

1 . Because it can be perceived with a little ingenuity, by an 
examination of the text, what were probably the motives which 
urged them to each particular change of the disputed passages ;* 
2, because we know that the Septuagint was corrupted in a 
great degree ; and 3, because it is acknowledged by friends and 
foes, that the Hebrew text was preserved by the Jews with the 
most religious care and scrupulous exactness. 9 

It may be thought that an objection to the Hebrew text, 
which remains unnoticed, is alone fatal to its credibility. It 
appears impossible not to believe that Hebrew manuscripts of 
the longer computation did exist in some part of the first centu- 
ries of the Christian era, because Eusebius, who died a.d. 340, 
found in the Hebrew copies which he consulted different accounts 
of the times, some following the longer, others the shorter com- 
putation.* 7 

But this statement may be admitted to be true without the 
slightest invalidation of our argument. It may be that in those 
early days some copyists were found who would trifle with the 
Hebrew in its dates, as well as others with its versions — excep- 
tions were discovered to the general rule. But this is a matter 
of no serious consequence. The great point for consideration is 
not what contradictions of the Hebrew might exist in the com- 
mencement of our era, but the singular agreement which belongs 
to those copies that have been actually transmitted to posterity 

' Bib. Did. Citron., vol. i., p. 319. 

« Faussett, Sac. Chron., chap. 1. 

" Josephus contra Apion, i. 8. Bib. Diet. Chron., p. 320. Poole, " with re- 
spect to the probability of accuracy arising from the state of the text, the 
Hebrew certainly has the advantage. Thero is every reason to think the 
rabbins hare been scrupulous in the extreme in making alterations." Also 
Marsh, Lect. i., 57. 

• Hales, vol. i., p. 278. 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 123 

through succeeding generations. It is very probable, and not 
to be wondered at, that there were Jews, and Christians likewise, 
who were nothing loth to alter the Hebrew to suit their purposes, 
as well as the Greek, when they had the opportunity. But it is 
very well known that there have existed in every age of the 
Christian dispensation most vigilant and careful guardians of the 
integrity of the Hebrew text, in all its essentials, to as great an 
extent as was compatible with their powers. There were the 
learned Jews of Tiberias, the Karaites, and the later Masorets. 
" Tiberias, in Galilee, was the seat of Jewish learning. It was 
the residence of the best Hebrew scholars, the repository of the 
best Hebrew manuscripts." The learned Jews of Tiberias in 
the third and fourth centuries must have had access to Hebrew 
manuscripts which were written before the birth of Christ. We 
know that they sought and collated them. "We know that 
their exertions to obtain an accurate text were equal to their 
endeavours to preserve it." The materials of Jewish criticism 
are contained in the Masora. " This collection was formed at 
Tiberias." In what century it was begun is not positively 
known, but certainly not sooner than the frurth, and probably 
not sooner than the fifth century. " That the integrity of the 
Hebrew text, from the time when it was fixed by the authors of 
the Masora, has been as strictly preserved to the present age as 
it is possible to preserve an ancient work, is a position which no 
longer admits of doubt." And as to the Masoretic text being 
itself an accurate copy of the sacred writings, the author from 
whose works we are making these extracts, taking into con- 
sideration what is known of the labours of these learned Jews, 
asks, in conclusion, "Why then shall we conclude that they 
laboured in vain ?"* 

There is no reason for believing that any interval intervened 
in which one or other of these most loyal votaries to divine truth 
have not watched over and preserved with the greatest jealousy 
the purity of the Word of God. They, the Jews of Tiberias, 
the Karaites and the Masorites, may reasonably be believed to 
have been instruments in the hand of Providence, of trans- 
mitting from century to century, and, except in early times, 
without any co-existing adulterations, the Jewish Scriptures to 
ourselves in their substantial originality. 

III. We commence another stage of our discursory journey 
by venturing to assert, that if there is any extant matter for the 
refutation of the Hebrew verity, it is to be found in internal 
disagreements of the Bible with facts, and in its inconsistencies 

' Marsh, Lect. ii., pp. 64, 65 ; Lect. ix., pp. 223, 224. 

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124 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

with itself. And it appears to be imagined by some persons, that 
unanswerable accusations have been preferred against it of these 
very kinds. We have no hesitation in professing ourselves not 
among the discerners of those difficulties. We doubt not they 
are inventions rather than discoveries. We hope our eye is 
single. It will be well however to consider a little, at least, the 
chief objections which have been urged with the greatest ve- 
hemence, and which appear to have produced conviction, in 
some instances, on learned minds. 

Several of these objections we feel it almost a condescension 
to notice after the answers which those of them that have ever 
required answer, have already received. We mean particularly 
Dr. Hales's "glaring anachronism " (vol. i., p. 220), which we 
refer to Faussett (p, 15), and his "dishonest management " of 
410 years, which we scarcely know whither not to refer for its 
correction to 424, and his " centenary addition " still found in 
the sixth, eighth, and ninth generations of Jared, and Methu- 
selah, and Lamech. From which he argues that, because the 
Hebrew chronology is consistent with its date of the deluge, it 
was cunningly devised, which is surely no argument at all (p. 281 ). 
We shall really not think it necessary or expedient to answer 
more than a very few objections which have not been answered 
as we thiuk sufficiently, as they have been resuscitated to 
notoriety and unreal importance by the reputation and rank of 
recent writers of modern criticism. 

The first that we adduce as coming early in the order of 
time, is the alleged impossibility of the existence of the exten- 
sive empire of Nimrod, in the period assigned by the Jewish 
Scriptures to its erection. But we see no impediment to joining 
issue with the framers of this objection on both its points. 

We can perceive from the Hebrew Scriptures no extent of 
the empire under consideration, incompatible with the time 
which they allow for its coming into existence. 

It appears as if the objectors imagine that the Assyrian 
empire must have attained very considerable magnitude in or 
about one hundred and twenty years after the deluge. But it 
may be asked, where is any assertion or insinuation of the kind 
in the Sacred Volume? That that empire should have thrown 
out many of its ramifications before the dispersion of mankind, 
because they are mentioned in the chapter preceding that which 
relates their dispersion, is a gratuitous assumption. It seems to 
us to be something more than unreasonable. It appears to be a 
contradiction to certain statements in the narrative (Gen. x. 
10, 11, 20, compared with xi. 1, 2, 8). That Nimrod was 
mighty, at least comparatively with his contemporaries, is not to 



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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 125 

be denied, but there is no evidence that we are aware of, that 
he did more than lay the foundation of his greatness, at or even 
later than the supposed objectionable epoch. Indeed, it is ex- 
pressly written that he began to be mighty without fixing the 
precise date of his extraordinary power. And certainly there is 
no proof from the Scriptures that even Babylon itself rose in its 
gigantic proportions at a very early period, unless it must be 
supposed that we cannot apply to the building of that city the 
proverbial denial of a sudden erection to the capital of an ancient 
empire nearer home. 

It is very easy to believe that Nimrod achieved real great- 
ness before the termination of his career, and not necessary to 
imagine that he exhibited that greatness so early as our objectors 
have supposed. He may have arrived at manhood at no very 
advanced period of the history, but if we turn to the record 
which Moses has left us of the generations of Shem, it is ex- 
tremely credible that the founder of the empire of Assyria lived 
after the flood two or three or even four hnndred years. And 
Mr. Stuart Poole has said, " It is most reasonable to suppose 
the Noachian colonists to have begun to spread about three 
centuries after that event,"* a space amply sufficient for a vast 
increase of population, for the institution of an extensive domi- 
nion, and for the high cultivation of the arts, in the descendants 
of the post-diluvian progenitor of the human race; especially 
when we consider their early proficiency in manual operations ; 
and these circumstances include, if we mistake not, all the prin- 
cipal facts in their case, which the Scriptures would require us 
to place within the limits of credibility. 

There are only three more objections raised in this division 
of our subject to which we purpose to extend our attention, and 
to them principally for this reason, that they have been elevated 
to some new title to consideration by the opinions of recent 
essayists and commentators. 

The first is the alleged disagreement between 1 Kings vi. 1 
and Acts xiii. 20. St. Paul, it is well known, is made by some 
interpreters to declare that the judges governed the Jews for 
four hundred and fifty years ; a period which is believed to be 
perfectly inconsistent with 1 Kings vi. 1. We believe that the 
words of St. Paul are not to be so interpreted. His words, as they 
are translated in our Bibles, certainly have a very strong appear- 
ance to that effect. It appears almost impossible to interpret 
them otherwise. But it may first be observed that in the original 
the words are not so clear and unambiguous. It may rather be 

9 Bib. Diet. Chron.y vol. i., p. 328. 

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126 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

said that St. Paul avoided expressing himself in the sense im- 
puted to him with that unambiguity. . In fact, such an un- 
equivocal assertion is one thing exactly which St. Paul did not 
make. 

It may be further observed that there exist already, at least, 
three interpretations of his original words which may not 
unlikely contain the solution of the difficulty. 

It has been asked, by way of objection to an argument used 
by Calovius, and Mill, and (it may have been intended) by Ussher, 
whose is one of the three interpretations of which we have a 
high opinion, " Why " interpret the events which happened in 
four hundred and fifty years, if before the judges, from the 
"birth of Isaac?" It appears to us not at all an improbable 
point for the commencement of the Apostle's era. It is surely 
not unreasonable to intend that the " fathers were chosen " in 
that patriarch to whom the choice was limited as a branch of 
the seed of Abraham (Gen. xxi. 12; Gal. iv. 28), and who was 
at the same time the representative of Him of whom they were 
the chosen progenitors, and of whose nativity St. Paul was 
designing, as he spoke, to make a direct statement. We con- 
ceive it is more reasonable to regard this interpretation/ or either 
of the two others, as an elucidation of St. Paul's meaning ; or 
to think that modern critics fail in the comprehension of the 
problem, rather than to conclude St. Paul was ignorant of a 
period in chronology with which he must in reason be supposed 
to be familiar ; or that St. Luke, himself a learned man, should 
have been a party to a palpable misrepresentation. 

Another pretended error lies in a passage of the speech of 
St. Stephen (Acts vii.), connected with the chronology of the 
Hebrew ; the fault being imputed to the latter authority. The 
imputation appears to us to be utterly unfounded. It arises 
from supposing that Terah was only seventy years of age when 
Abram was born. Ussher has shewn that he had attained the 
age of one hundred and thirty years/ 1 This correction com- 
pletely removes the appearance of disagreement between the Old 
and New Testaments upon the point. It has certainly been 
objected by a recent writer of distinction, that if it were true 
that Terah was one hundred and thirty years old when Abram 
was born to him, it is very unaccountable that Abraham should 
wonder that he himself should have a child at the age of oue 
hundred (Gen. xvii. 17), " Shall a child be born unto him that 
is an hundred years old, and shall Sarah, that is ninety years old, 
bear ?" Abraham appears to us not to mean by these expressions 

* Uss., Chron Sac., cap. xii. • Chron. Sac., cap. vii. 

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1864.] A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. 127 

that it exceeded his belief that a centenarian should increase the 
number of his family. Such procreation must have been familiar 
to him, not only in the case of Terah, but in the whole line of 
his immediate ancestry, and not many years before had actually 
occurred in his own person. He evidently speaks of himself 
with reference to his wife, and we think that reason warrants 
the opinion that he expresses his astonishment that he and Sarah 
should be blessed with a progeny, after that they had lived 
together many years, each to a great age, in total infecundity. 

And what makes this view of the matter the more presum- 
able is, that the divine answer to Abraham's inquiry refers 
chiefly, if not solely, to Sarah's powers of generation, as if that 
were the principal or sole point of Abraham's uncertainty. 

Our review of the sceptical objections of modern times 
might be deemed very incomplete if we pass entirely without 
remark an observation which appears of late to have caused 
increased dissatisfaction in enlightened and serious minds. No- 
thing seems to excite greater doubts, even of the inspiration of 
Scripture, than that that Word which professes to be inspired by 
the God of nature should be proved by scientific discovery to 
be in contradiction to works of the same Almighty power. We 
need scarcely say that we are alluding to the solemn declaration 
in Joshua x. 12, 13, of the suspension of the motion of that orb 
in the heavens which science has proved to be always stationary. 
Here is a direct contradiction, in the professed Word of God, to 
a fact which we know of His works. It appears to have brought 
the inspiration of Scripture, in some degree at least, into grave 
suspicion. Apologies, we know, have been invented of different 
kinds. Revelation is not intended to teach science. Writers 
may reveal divinity without the knowledge of physics. Still the 
awkward circumstance remains. A declaration is made contrary 
to fact. And is it possible that such a declaration can have pro- 
ceeded from the omniscient source of truth ? 

In answer to this question, we think it reasonable to believe 
that the declaration has been designedly suffered by God to be 
written by the instruments of His revelation. We will slightly 
endeavour to vindicate our opinion. For tlie reason which has 
been assigned, it is perfectly certain that the sun never revolves 
round the earth, and, therefore, cannot be arrested in such a 
revolution. But for precisely the same reason it is known that 
the same luminary never rises and never sets. Nevertheless, 
there are, perhaps, not fewer than a hundred texts in Scripture 
where it is declared or implied that the sun does move in one or 
other of those directions. Now we hold it cannot be maintained, 
with reason, that it is inconsistent with the attributes of the 



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128 A Rational View of Hebrew Chronology. [October, 

Deity to allow human expressions to be admitted into the Bible 
in accommodation to the universal, but erroneous, notion of such 
common apparent phenomena of nature as the rising and setting 
of the sun. And yet to avow or direct the cessation of the 
motion of the sun on Gibeon is not more contrary to fact than 
either of those expressions. And there is no more reason for 
thinking that God would not suffer His prophets to say (what 
they believed) that the sun stood still, than that He would not 
prevent them to speak of its ascending above the horizon in the 
luorning, and descending below it at the close of day. 

And here we terminate our labours. We are ourselves satis- 
fied, and we hope we may have at least contributed to satisfy 
our readers that no obstacle lies, at least, in the Egyptian history, 
or in the Hebrew Bible, or in the Septuagint Version (professedly 
the three most fruitful sources of objection), to believing that 
the chronology of the authorized translation of the Old Testa- 
ment is sanctioned by divine authority. 

E. C. K. 



Above all, consider the design and tendency of the New Testament. See to 
what it will lead you, and all those who cordially obey it; and then say, whether 
it be not good. And consider how naturally its truth is connected with its 
goodness. Trace the character and sentiments of its authors, whose living 
image (if I may be allowed the expression) is still preserved in their writings. 
And then ask your own heart, Can you think this was a forgery, an impious 
cruel forgery ? For such it must have been, if it were a forgery at all ; a 
scheme to mock God and to ruin meo, even the best of men, such as reverenced 
conscience, and would abide all extremities for what they apprehended to be 
truth. Put the question to your own heart, Can I in my conscience believe it 
to be such an imposture ? Can I look up to an omniscient God, and say, 4 * O 
Lord, thou knowest that it is in reverence to thee, and in love to truth and 
virtue, that I reject this book, and the method to happiness here laid down." 

But there are difficulties in the way. And what then ? Have those difficul- 
ties never been cleared ? Go to the living advocates for Christianity, to those of 
whose abilities, candour, and piety, you have the best opinion ; if your preju- 
dices will give you leave to have a good opinion of any such, tell them your 
difficulties; hear their solutions; weigh them seriously, as those who know they 
must answer it to God: and while doubts continue, follow the truth as far as it 
will lead you, and take heed that you do not " imprison it in unrighteousness " 
(Rom. i. 18). Nothing appears more inconsistent and absurd, than for a man 
solemnly to pretend dissatisfaction with the evidences of the. gospel, as a reason 
why he cannot in conscience be a thorough Christian ; when yet at the same 
time he violates the most apparent dictates of reason and conscience, and lives 
in vices condemned even by the heathens. — Dr. Doddridge. 



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1864.] ( 129 ) 



SELECTIONS PROM THE SYRIAC.-No. II. 

The Encomium of the Martyrs. By Eusebius of CiESAREA. 
English Translation." 

Encomium of their Excellences. 
1. O ye retainers of Godly freedom and truth in tribulation 
and in labour; dead in body and free in soul ; through the death 
of -the body ye overcame death, armed with faith, and clothed 
for ever in the robe* of faith. For, verily, invincible armour 
was given to you in faith and in victory ; c for in your hands 
abode the shield which is by the law ; and the helmets which 
were on your heads were not weakened nor cast down/ and the 
precepts which are sustaining were not relaxed in you ; and sharp, 
and not blunt, was the spiritual sword ; and by earnest prayers 
through Christ unto the Lord of all, your will ye directed. For 
unto you was adjudged' a heavenly war, and by victory ye became 
worthy of the heavenly assemblies ; for the world which passeth 
away did not natter you, nor did it entice you, neither did the 
wrath of kings make you afraid; and the promise of a gift 
of the wealth of the world wrested not from your souls the 
treasure of truth which is for ever; and the pomp of the fashion 
of the world perverted not your sobriety. For ye hated dis- 
honour and loved distinction, and through the desire of the love^ 
of the cross of Christ ye put away from yourselves the curse of 
crucifixion, which is in malice and in evil. For by affliction for 
a little time ye acquired immeasurable glory ; for in the truth ot 
faith ye served with the prophets, and stood in agreement with 

« The Syriac text of this discourse, from a MS. written a.d. 411, was printed 
in our last, pp. 403 — 408. We were then under the impression that, because the 
late Canon Cureton had not referred to it in his Martyrs of Palestine, to which it 
is appended in the MS., he had not observed it at all. This was a mistake. We 
are reminded by Dr. Tregelles that Dr. Cureton alludes to it in the Festal Letters 
of Athanasius (Pref., p. 16); and that it is also mentioned by the late Professor 
Lee, in his translation of the Theophany of Eusebius (Pref., p. xi.). 

The following attempt at a translation is generally literal, but the original, 
like all new documents m the same language, contains words and idioms not 
explained in grammars and lexicons. This circumstance, and the absence of 
vowel-points, causes some ambiguity in certain places, but we hope we have 
succeeded in conveying the general sense. JSomc of the peculiarities are noticed 
in the following short annotations. 

* The word rendered " robe " is the same as that for "furnace," but it occurs 
in the sense of a vestment of some kind in Ephraeein Syrus, as is observed by 
Dr. Hurgess, Repentance of Nineveh, note, p. 54. 

e Or " innocence." Trie word has both meanings. 

* The rendering of this clause is uncertain. 

* Or, "vouchsafed." The word usually means ''justified." 
/ Or, " the affectionate desire." 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. K 



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130 Selections from the Syriac. [October, 

the apostles; and with the glorified blessed, Christ the divine 
chief, the crown of glory ye received.* 

2. O ye who are dead in appearance,* and alive in reality, 
for your inferiority to the angels is filled up by the suffering 
which has happened on behalf of Christ, and through grace 
victory is vouchsafed to you without much solicitude, and your 
memory every hour is very full of glory ; for ye received in 
your body the signs of the reproach of Christ, the setting free 
of your souls; for your death on behalf of Christ assured 
the hope of your faith ; and by the constancy which ye received 
from above, ye changed the constitution of your former nature, 
and became the sons and children of desirable wisdom ; and by 
the understanding of knowledge, ye caused your souls to fly 
to the righteous, and ye ran the race without weariness to the 
King of truth, and the Lord of the assemblies, which are for 
ever. Therefore, let labour* be ashamed, and the stripped' 
eagerness of the conflicts* of men whose labour is not vouch- 
safed on behalf of Christ ; and let them restrain their unprofit- 
able sweat, which is not distilled for the conflict of heaven ; and 
let the race of the eager horses be accounted vain, and their 
victory be derided, because they cannot be compared to souls 
upon the horses of Elijah, on which he has in truth arisen.' In 
these the Lord is ; for the righteousness of the soul is the chariot 
of the Lofty One, and a confession wherein is the keeping of his 
restrain ts. w And let the assemblies of worldly festivals slumber," 
— those to which a place in heaven is not vouchsafed ; for all of 
them are earnest in body, and an increase of the trade of worldly 
contests. Let them be ashamed in their labour, which maketh 
void of the grace of Christ. For those who on behalf of our Lord 
and our God received in exchange the judgment of their body, 
are in heaven, in glory, and in victory/ and in joy. Hananiah 
is exalted, and Azariah is lauded, and Mishael the strong one 
is called glorious. The fire of Babel was kindled, and did not 

ff The sections we indicate are the same in the original. 

* Literally, " in falsehood." 

* The similar Syriac word, u world," might seem more appropriate here, but 
is not required, as the orator is about to speak of the toil of competitors in 
ancient contests. 

J The Syriac word is the one commonly meaning u Apostolic," but doubtless 
"stripped" is the idea; perhaps "gymnastic." 

* Here again the form is that usually rendered " generations " and " courts," 
but it sometimes means conflicts or contests. 

' As the sun rises. 

"• " Restraints " seems to be the sense, but the word may be a mistake for 
" commands." In any case the clause is not quite clear. 
n Probably " be lost in silence and forgot." 

* The preceding clause is not clear. 
r Or, " in purity." 



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1864.] Selections from the Syriac. 131 

ascend* on high, and by the abundance of much wood that was in 
it, it was deprived of its power, and its destroying nature was shorn 
of its might, because of the love wherewith it would honour the 
sons of the law/ But it was fierce and it was strong, and it 
burned and destroyed the slanderers who were spectators of the 
zealous and the blessed. These were confessors, and when the 
veil of their suffering was before their eyes for reproach and for 
praise, they drew near to the confessors' fire. The den of hungry 
mountain-lions also was nullified through fear of the servant of 
God, of Christ ; and the lions were appeased in their hunger, so 
that they were not defiled by the suffering of the righteous. 
For Noah fed the beasts with flesh according to the former com- 
mandment ; but Daniel made them abstinent, that they should 
fast, as he was able to command in the conflict of righteousness. 
But let another pit shew the reproach and ignominy of Jewish 
oppressors, — the one which is a testimony to the earnestness 
and manliness of Jeremiah. The altar and temple bore witness, 
and the holy place which was between them, where Zechariah 
received the crown of victory. And let Abel speak after his 
death, by denouncing the cruel and hateful in the manners 
of Cain. But the crown of victory in the great contest both 
for men and for women, who are in confession (or become con- 
fessors), the mother of seven sons put on :* she who reared her 
sons by prayer and by the milk of the law and by heavenly food, 
stood with every one of them in confession of the utterances of 
the law, in order that not one of her pains might be deprived of 
grace, and very much rejoiced because of the fruit which there 
was upon each one of her branches. For she was not crowned 
on account of one of her sons, while honour was taken away 
because of another; nor was it over one that she rejoiced in 
victory, and was in anguish over another because of his fall ; but 
over all of them, and through all of them, she had great rejoicing, 
because she saw them all that they stood in the commandment 
of the law ; and she was glad and gave praise, because of the 
righteousness of her branches in the law ; and she offered pure 
praise and righteous prayer to the Most High the Strengthener 
of his servants. How fair was she in duty,' and righteous in the 
law, and blessed in her offspring ! A wise mother, thou didst 
remove indifference far away from thy lovely children, and with- 

• Or, " was hot, and did not ascend." 

r i. «., Those who were obedient to the law. 

• Although most of the illustrations are from our Canonical hooks, it is plain 
that Eusebius did not feel himself under any restraint in that direction. 

' *' Duty." We assign this meaning to a word which has the sense of 
" retribution,' ? " recompence," " suffering," "dissolution," etc. 

k2 



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132 Selections from the Syriac. [October, 

out blows" they took their stand in the arena : and this is an 
evidence* of true mothers. For it behoves that more than 
worldly wealth, and than love to our fellow-men, we should love 
the love of God, and that we should cleave to Christ and love 
the prophets according to the divine rule, and in everything be 
like Abraham.*' O blessed woman, who didst bring forth with 
hard pains, and without griefs didst restore, by prayer, the fruit 
thou didst rear ; thou, without laments, didst send a messenger 
for thyself before God. For what time is there, or what day, or 
what godly congregation of the passion of Christ, and glorious 
day of the memorial of his resurrection/ when the members of 
the resurrection of the confessor Christ may not be remembered 
and honoured by every mouth and by every tongue ? So, then, 
let the new soldiers of his faith, equipped with the glory of his 
truth, pass in remembrance and in word before our eyes, and 
before the Lord of victory, and the giver of crowns, the Lord 
Christ, Peter being second in command after our Lord Jesus, in 
the heavenly host of the glorious ranks, powerful in heaven and 
also upon earth, closing and opening without envy, in righte- 
ousness, the way of the gate of heaven, and not like the 
Pharisees, the partakers of his blood and of his race. y Let us 
cleave to them, and to every one of the apostles, since it is pro- 
claimed in heaven and by observation that their minister shall 
receive a crown of righteousness/ 

3. Let Stephen be crowned ; and also Paul, no longer perse- 
cuting the churches/ declaring his conversion in the Gospel of 
truth which is from the Deity, which he received and confessed 
by his suffering for Christ, and he filled up in his body what 
was behind of the afflictions of Christ for his body, that is, the 
Church. 

4. But also let others be remembered, who, after them, 
accepted the conflict, and were counted worthy to stand in the 
true conflict for Christ. Now as worthy of our commemora- 
tion, let the men be remembered who, after these, were the 

" They did not require to be driven by blows into the arena, like cowards. 

• Or, "a specimen." 

• Wc are not sure that the foregoing sentence is correctly rendered through- 
out ; it is certainly obscure and irregular in its construction. 

* The special allusions here seem to be to Good Friday and Easter Sunday. 
The phrase rendered u resurrection of the confessor Christ " is ambiguous. 

r Although this sentence is not very plain, there is no doubt that Peter has 
ascribed to him all the honour mentioned above. 

* We are really uncertain as to the precise idea of this place : possibly the 
" minister " is one who honours the memory of the saints. 

° Obscure again. Eusebius appears to mean that Paul, instead of persecuting 
the churches, narrates his conversion in the exercise of that true hope which 
God gives, and which he has received and avowed. 



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1864.] Selections from the Syriac. 133 

elect, and who, without reproach and violence, with their souls 
affirmed the faith/ — those who were counted worthy to receive 
the hope of the apostles. Let there be honoured in our comme- 
moration then, both Asclepiades and Serapion, and Philetus, 
and Zebinas, and Demetrius, and Flavianus, and Cyrillus (?), 
and Sosipater, and Andrew, and Baby las, and Ceerealis (?), and 
Izabenus (?), and Zenobius, and Paulus, a kinsman, who was 
counted worthy to stand in the divine portion, and to be of 
it. Let Marinu8 also hasten, and to heaven let Fronto come, 
and the abstinent old man Hippoly tus. c Now I know and confess 
that many others were victorious in this conflict. But although 
their names escape me, their record, which is in heaven, I 
remember in my soul, and I lay to heart the sufferings of the 
Church which is in Christ. For, truly, I hope with all of you, 
through the divine message, by the truth of the confession** which 
is in Christ, that I shall receive fruit at the resurrection of the 
dead. I further say to you, O blessed confessors, I desire to 
depart from the world unto you, and from the body from which 
you are freed. Now faults fail (those) that (are) with Christ/ 
as ye are this day, and are accounted. May there, at some time, 
be given the power to say after you, Pains flee, anguish is worn 
away, and groaning is departed : O ye who exist in the likeness 
of the suffering of Christ, and die not for ever. 

End of ike Discourse upon the Confessors. 

* Or, with their lives attested the faith. 

e The eminent saints and martyrs whom Eusobius mentions will not, even in 
name, be all recognized, owing to the loose way in which their names are spelled 
in the Syriac. A reference to the Martyrs of Palestine supplies the names of 
Zebinas, and Paulus, but whether they are the same as those in our text docs 
not appear {Martyrs, p. 31, 39, 47). Of the rest, we find the names of two or 
three in other works of Eusebius, and more in the old mnrtyrologies ; but we 
are not about to investigate them here, and will only remark that all the martyrs 
mentioned in this part of the oration may be such as suffered in Palestine, but 
are not named in the larger work. 

* Another ambiguous phrase. 

e There is a paronomasia in the original here, which is at the same time 
obscure and abrupt. The whole piece abounds with remarkably crabbed and 
doubtful expressions, possibly because the translator was not sufficiently master 
of Greek. 



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( 134 ) [October, 

DR. MAC NEECE'S UNIVERSITY SERMONS.' 

The name of Thomas Mac Neece, and the prominent position 
which, for twenty years, he held as Divinity Lecturer in the Uni- 
versity of Dublin, are alone a sufficient guarantee for the excel- 
lence of these sermons. 

To be qualified for the important duty of training candidates 
for the sacred office of the ministry, it is needful that the teacher 
should be a man of sound and orthodox views on religion, that 
he should have a mind analytical and clear, and that earnest 
piety should mark his inner life. 

Such, from a careful perusal of Mac Neece's sermons, we 
should imagine their lamented author to have been. We see in 
them traces of a mind characterized by penetration of thought, 
accuracy of scholarship, and a healthy religious tone. 

There is, we believe, with the religious section of the reading 
public rather a prejudice against University sermons ; and we 
freely admit that if the popular preachers of the present day run 
too frequently into the one extreme of shallow declamation, 
university theologians often run into the other, by delivering 
elaborate essays which, outside academic cloisters, are almost 
unintelligible. 

This, however, is not the character of the present collection 
of sermons, and none need fear that the learning of their author 
has, in any degree, mystified their sense. The grand doctrines 
of the Gospel, which are here so ably set forth, have given to 
the preacher occasion for much practical exhortation, and for 
conveying many a useful lesson in things that pertain to life and 
godliness — lessons which are all the more valuable, as we per- 
ceive the solid grounds from which they are deduced. In this 
we conceive the distinguishing characteristic of a good sermon 
to consist. 

For a preacher to exhort his audience to a certain line of 
conduct, without pointing out to them the weighty and emphatic 
reasons which make their duty clear, and which leave them 
deeply accountable, if the advice be disregarded, seems, to say 
the least, to presuppose that they have implicit faith in the 
authority of their spiritual guide. To us, this method seems to 
savour somewhat of presumption, and to be very far removed 
from the style of apostolic preaching, which, no doubt, all admit 

° Sermons preached in the Clutpel of Trinity College, Dublin, with a Lecture 
on the Inspiration of the Scriptures. By the late Thomas Mac Neece, D.D., 
Archbishop King's Lecturer in Divinity in the University of Dublin, Rector of 
Arboe, and Chaplain to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant. Dublin : Hodges 
and Smith. 



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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 135 

to be our highest model for imitation. From the apostles, 
indeed, who gave utterance, as inspired messengers, to the 
oracles of divine truth, we have no right to expect the grounds 
of their exhortation. Their words being stamped with the 
authority of heaven, contain the positive commands of God, 
which we are bound to obey without requiring or demanding a 
reason. In condescension, however, to human weakness, we 
find that in most cases they were permitted, first, clearly to 
expound the immutable principles which should regulate human 
conduct, after which they proceeded to enforce, by exhortation, 
their practical observance. 

Such seems to be the general plan of the perfect exemplar 
given for our imitation, and it is remarkable that it accords 
exactly with the soundest positions which the science of rhetoric 
lays down, while the deviation from this in the style of preaching 
popular at the present day cannot but be apparent to all who 
will take the trouble to reflect. 

At a time when the foundations of the faith have been so 
keenly assailed, as in the present age, it is evident that instruc- 
tion from the pulpit is a matter of very great importance. It 
has accordingly of late engaged a large share of public attention. 
And in the strife of parties, when high church, low church, and 
broad church views are equally struggling for ascendancy, we 
can hardly expect to find even comparative unanimity of opinion 
among their different exponents. It is but natural that the 
discourses of each party should follow the type of their school. 
Yet, although the peculiar tenets of each class may differ, it is 
not unreasonable that all thoughtful minds should expect in the 
pulpit the same intellectual soundness which is indispensably 
required in the senate and at the bar. 

In order that a sermon should be really useful, it may be 
conceded that instruction should assume a very prominent place 
in its composition. The preacher, no doubt, has only the same 
original materials to work upon that his audience already possess, 
and have often already made use of. He may, however, by 
accurate scholarship, and philosophic study of the Sacred Word, 
draw out from the mine many a hidden treasure of truth, which, 
though often stumbled on by the casual passer-by, has hitherto 
lain unappropriated. And, again, as the ablest writers are the 
most suggestive, the preacher may, by a judicious treatment of 
his subject, start many a happy train of thought in the mind, 
which, when followed up, may leave a very lasting impression, 
and be attended with the most beneficial results. 

In any case in which the writer or the public speaker wishes 
to produce a permanent effect, by convincing the mind as well 



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136 Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. [October, 

as persuading the affections, the natural course for him to adopt, 
in order that he may carry his point, whatever that may be, is a 
calm and lucid statement of the subject, developing the various 
lines of argument, gradually bringing accumulated weight to 
bear upon the point, and thus preparing the feelings (or acquies- 
cence in the judgment of the mind. After some such course as 
this has been adopted in the outset, then exhortation, or any 
other rhetorical means of influencing the feelings, comes most 
suitably, and with incredibly more force than if the mind were 
left unconvinced. The author who would thus endeavour, first, 
to prove his point, and then to work upon the emotional 
impulses within, is, to use the excellent illustration of a late 
well-known writer,* in the position of a swordsman wielding 
a sabre whose back is heavy and whose edge is keen. The 
weight of the back gives force to the blow, and the sharpness of 
the edge ensures the depth and severity of the wound. So 
universally are the common sense and intrinsic merit of this 
method of composition acknowledged, that all the best orators 
and writers of antiquity and of modern times seem to have 
instinctively adopted it. 

Now, in a case in which the majesty of Divine Truth is con- 
cerned, and in which its acceptance depends so much upon the 
proper handling of the subject, we should conceive that one of 
the most important studies of the preacher ought to be the most 
suitable method of conveying truth, in order that its reception 
may be ensured ; and yet, strange to say, we hear but occasion- 
ally from the pulpit a sermon thus really well constructed. 

There is to be found -in the Table Talk of old John Selden 
(1G63) a maxim with regard to pulpit composition, which we 
should almost recommend some enterprisiug stationer to have 
lithographed at the head of all sermon paper. It runs thus : — 
" First in your sermons use your logic, and then your rhetoric ; 
rhetoric without logic is like a tree with leaves and blossoms, 
but no root/' Our readers will, of course, observe the rather 
incorrect employment of terras in this passage, as if "logic" 
and " rhetoric " were mutually inconsistent, and as if rhetoric 
did not deal with conviction as well as with persuasion. Still, 
however, it is easy to understand his meaning, and our readers 
will readily perceive that by the term " logic," he implies the 
argumentative part of the discourse, and by " rhetoric," the 
impassioned appeal to the feelings. 

Now, how often do we meet, among the popular preachers of 
the present day, with examples of the "tree with leaves and 
blossoms, but no root ?" In large cities we may always observe, 

* Archbishop Whately. 



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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 137 

if we may so speak, a determination towards certain favourite 
churches and preachers. Public taste, for the most part, takes 
a run in some particular direction ; and there are always to be 
found preachers who exactly suit the tendency of the place. 
Whether this is to be accounted for by fashion, by the principle 
of reflex sympathy, by the preacher's perhaps involuntary accom- 
modation of style to the known feelings of the congregation, or 
by the shallow and sensation taste of the present day, is a point 
we shall not presume to decide. Certain it is that many a ser- 
mon, which, if delivered before a select and thoughtful audience, 
would infallibly be condemned, is highly admired when heard 
from the pulpits of our fashionable city churches. In an intel- 
lectual age like the present, and especially when a spirit of free- 
thinking with regard to religion is abroad, we question very 
much whether a style of discourse, generally remarkable for its 
absence of thought and its abundance of vapid declamation, is 
likely to prove the most salutary and useful. We rarely hear 
from our city pulpits a sermon such as the congregation of 
Quebec Chapel must have often listened to with delight during 
the ministry of Dean Alford or of Dean Magee — a sermon which 
educated and uneducated would alike confess to be a masterly 
composition. We seldom hear a sermon in which the intellec- 
tual acuteness of a cultivated mind is brought to bear upon the 
sublimity of eternal truth, and in which classic elegance adorns 
the utterance of Christian piety and devotion. It is true that 
men possessed of such powers are but of very rare occurrence, 
yet we find as large, or larger audiences, and of the same respect- 
able character, crowding to hear some popular preacher, whom 
a comparison with such men would altogether extinguish. 

No doubt the confidence inspired by the sight of a multitude 
of human eyes all directed towards the preacher, and the thought 
that a thousand ears are drinking in each word that falls from 
his lips in the solemn stillness of the sacred edifice, goes far to 
account for their success. The sense, moreover, of ministerial 
responsibility increased in proportion to the number of souls iu 
charge, and also, perhaps (such is the vanity of human nature), 
the symptoms of personal idolization which are too often shewn, 
stimulate the popular preacher to fresh exertions. 

If, however, the rapid delivery of the popular pulpit orator 
would allow his sermon to be closely analysed, we should see 
how badly it would stand the test. And, occasionally, when a 
much admired discourse is published by request, those who read 
it afterwards can hardly bring themselves to believe it to be the 
same which yielded so much pleasure in its delivery, while those 
whose first acquaintance is made with it through the medium of 



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138 Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. [October, 

print, wonder how any one could have solicited the publication 
of such a flat and empty composition. The long periods which 
seem so striking, when aided by the artificial adjuncts of a 
theatrical manner, and a sonorous delivery, sink into insigni- 
ficance when quietly reviewed by the fire-side in sober black 
and white. In fact, the sensation taste of the present day 
expects from the preacher but little though tfulness or reasoning 
power, and sometimes we even see a large congregation drawn 
together by the eccentricity of the preacher's manner, or (credat 
Judaus) by his very coarseness of expression. The style of these 
modern theologians is not usually characterized by the tedious- 
ness of Barrow, and of many of the Puritan divines. They 
seldom fall into this error, which Dr. Johnson considered to be 
the unpardonable sin in any author. If they had this fault, 
they would not be listened to at all. It is in poverty of reason- 
ing, unskilful handling of the subject, and want of sufficient 
grouuds to justify the strong appeal to the passions, that their 
fault consists. In fact, we sometimes find them falling into 
the grievous rhetorical error of avowed exhortation — actually 
telling the audience to be prepared, to feel such and such senti- 
ments, bespeaking to order the impressions and resolves which 
should be the just and legitimate offspring of a skilful appeal to 
all the faculties of our intellectual and moral and emotional 
nature. 

In energy, at least of manner, we seldom find a deficiency in 
these preachers. In simile, they are usually abundant ; though, 
perhaps, it may require a mind of some acuteness, in most cases, 
to detect the pertinence of the illustration. Their powers of 
persuasion are best attested by the extravagant meed of praise 
with which they are rewarded by the unthinking, and of convic- 
tion by the evanescent impress they leave upon the mind of their 
admirers. 

By these remarks, we do not by any means wish to insinuate 
that we consider them at all devoid of good intentions. Far 
from it. On the contrary, we believe that in most cases their 
intentions are excellent, and their personal piety beyond ques- 
tion. We do, however, question very much if the style of spi- 
ritual food thus afforded is suitable to the requirements of the 
present age. We by no means advocate for a mixed, or, indeed, 
for any congregation, a deep and learned sermon, full of meta- 
physical subtleties and critical dissertations ; but we do think 
that, for an educated city audience, composed for the most part 
of the upper classes — gentlemen who have received a university 
education, and ladies, who, perhaps, have made some progress 
in reading Dante and Schiller in the original — it is not desirable, 



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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 139 

and is far from edifying, to produce a sermon devoid of anything 
that can engage or occupy the understanding, and which 
addresses itself entirely to the passions, to the utter neglect of 
the intellectual faculties of the listeners. 

With a congregation of the poor and uneducated, no doubt the 
case is somewhat different ; for them, as indeed for all others, the 
simplest form of expounding the truth is the most effective. 
Nevertheless, we believe it to be the province of the highest 
intellect, on the part of the preacher, to bring down the loftiest 
truths to the comprehension of even the least reasoning minds, 
and to make the sublimest mysteries of the Gospel minister to 
the spiritual wants of the poor and the unlettered. Notwith- 
standing the partiality which some classes in the religious world 
shew for the reading of printed sermons, it seems generally 
admitted that it is a branch of literature by no means in esteem 
with the public. Much of this distaste, we feel convinced, is 
produced by the vast libraries of sermons which daily issue from 
the press, with no intrinsic merits to recommend them ; while 
those of real worth, to act as a counterpoise, are comparatively 
few. 

The perusal, therefore, of a volume such as Mac Neece's 
Sermons, is, indeed, a pleasure such as we but rarely have. In 
them we fiud what we have faintly tried to portray in the pre- 
ceding pages, namely, our idea of what a good sermon ought to 
be. His are sermons whose purpose was not accomplished when 
the last echo of the preacher's voice was heard ; their thoughts 
were, no doubt, treasured up in mind by many of those who 
heard them uttered, and their fruit will only be appreciable in 
another life : and now that they are given to the public at large, 
they will, we trust, convey comfort to the afflicted, hope to the 
desponding, and instruction to all who read them. 

To select from the volume before us many remarkable pas- 
sages, as specimens of their style, — passages full of thought, of 
eloqueuce, and of piety — would be a comparatively easy task, 
were it not for the embarras de richesse that everywhere meets 
us. After the foregoing observations, however, we feel that it 
would be unsatisfactory to most of our readers merely to lay 
before them isolated passages, although in themselves remark- 
able, without pointing out our author's observance of those 
fundamental principles which, in the preceding pages, we have 
attempted to enunciate. It is our purpose, therefore, to present 
the reader with a sketch or outline of one or two of the sermons, 
in order to shew their structure, and the consistency of thought 
which prevails throughout, and then by a few scattered passages 
to exhibit the tone of the writer's mind. 



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140 Dr. Mac Neece 9 s University Sermons. [October, 

The first two sermons in the collection treat of " Faith con- 
sidered as an Operative Principle," and are founded on the text, 
Gal. v. 6 : " For in Christ Jesus neither circumcision availeth 
anything, nor uncircumcisiou, but faith, which worketh by love." 
Proceeding on sound logical principles, Dr. Mac Neece first 
explains to us the scriptural notion of faith itself, in order to 
guard against any subsequent confusion iu the mind, owing to 
an erroneous or incomplete conception of its nature. He accord- 
ingly discriminates between faith as it is in its relation to truths, 
and faith as it is in its relation to persons. Faith in a truth 
seems simply to express belief, i. e., our mental acquiescence in 
the proposition presented to us, and our conviction of it as fact. 
13 ut faith being represented in Scripture as an operative prin- 
ciple, working by love, it is not easy to see how mere intellectual 
belief can put forth a working energy without taking into con- 
sideration the nature of the truths which are received. 

If the truths be merely of a speculative nature, and devoid 
of personal interest to the individual, not gratifying his feelings, 
tastes, or passions, they are not likely to exert any influence on 
his life. " But whenever," says Dr. Mac Neece, " the things 
believed are fitted to awake any emotion or other active prin- 
ciple of our nature, belief becomes a power. Such it is in all 
matters respecting man's life, his interests, and his passions. 
Let a geologist tell a man there is a coal mine on his property ; 
if he believe him, be assured his faith will not be long inope- 
rative." 

To constitute, however, that faith which enables us thoroughly 
to accept and make use of the truths of religion, more than 
mere intellectual assent is needful. Sympathy with the truth is 
a necessary element. 

" The mind must assent to it as true ; the mil must consent to it as 
good ; so that faith will thus be equivalent to belief of the truth and a 
cordial reception of it. There cannot be religious faith until the moral 
nature has been brought into harmony in a greater or less degree with the 
truths believed ; and this can only be effected by the softening and renew- 
ing influence of God's spirit. Then, and not till then, will true faith 
arise in the soul, and that same moral element which, and which alone, 
converts it into an active power, will also stamp it as a Christian virtue." 

It would, nevertheless, be but an imperfect notion of faith to 
consider that it implies merely our mental acquiescence in truths, 
however important they may be. The faith which the inspired 
writers of the New Testament speak of is faith in a person, 
namely, Christ Himself. The reason of this, says Dr. Mac 
Neece, is obvious : — 

" All the great truths of the Gospel relate to Christ or converge 



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1864.] " Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 141 

towards Him, and rest on Him a9 their living centre. To believe in 
these truths, therefore, without believing in Christ, is a contradiction in 
terms. But how does faith in Christ differ from faith in a truth ? It 
differs by including the idea of trust." 

He then compares the trust which the Christian, alive to a 
sense of his danger, places in his Saviour, to the confidence 
which the patient feels in the skill and good-will of his physician ; 
and then, in an eloquent passage, which we subjoin, describes by 
contrast the efficacy of faith, and the pure happiness which it 
confers. 

" If we believe in Him with all our heart, and confidingly rely on 
Him as standing in this relation towards us, then we have genuine Gospel 
faith, the faith which worketh by love, the victorious principle which over- 
cometh the world. Oh, my brethren, how wretched, how pitiable, is the 
state of a person who has no faith 1 To him the world of spirits — with 
all the lofty hopes, the high aspirations, the bright visions, the pure enjoy- 
ments connected with it — is a dream, a blank. He is of the earth, 
earthy ; his thoughts, his affections, his engagements, are all of the earth. 
He has no faith in human truth or goodness, or honour and honesty; and 
he will soon lose whatever of these qualities remains to himself, for man 
is sure to become in the end the thing he believes. No man ever yet did 
great things who had not faith : faith in something. Napoleon, if he had 
not faith in God, had faith in his destiny and his genius." 

The second sermon is a continuation of the same subject, and 
is equally valuable, as well from the importance of the topic as 
from the ability which it displays. The soundness of Dr. Mac 
Neece's scholarship, and his remarkably accurate acquaintance 
with the New Testament in the original Greek, entitle his obser- 
Tations on the deep and interesting question that he discusses to 
the thoughtful consideration of every theologian. 

Having, in the former sermon, analysed the notion of faith 
as given in Holy Scripture, it seems to be his object, in this 
discourse, to point out its power as an operative principle, by 
shewing how it works, namely, by love — "love to God over- 
flowing into love for His children." The discussion of this 
branch of the subject especially brings our author iuto colli- 
sion with Bishop Bull, who, through an incorrect translation 
of the text (as proved in note a), denies the active power of faith, 
understanding that idea, as used in St. Paul's epistles, to denote 
" the totality of the Christian virtues, or, in other words, a life 
of obedience to God." Though endowed with those keen reason- 
ing powers which have made the author of the Defensio Fldei 
NictBui illustrious, yet Bishop Bull does not seem to have pos- 
sessed such critical accuracy of scholarship as would entitle him 



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142 Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. [October, 

authoritatively to fix the interpretation of doubtful words or 
passages in the New Testament. 

In this instance, in particular, he seems to have been griev- 
ously led into error, by translating the latter clause of the text 
in a passive form, thus " faith perfected (ipefyyovfiivrj) by love," 
a version which, if correct, would completely overthrow that 
sound notion of faith which our author has so ably defined. 
From a careful induction, however, of all the passages in which 
the verb ivepyovfiac occurs, Dr. Mac Neece has, in an able note 
upon the subject, arrived at the conclusion that the New Testa- 
ment writers have used the word in this as in other passages in 
the middle form, but with an active signification, thus establish- 
ing the correctness of our Authorized Version of the text. He 
likewise shews, in the course of the sermon, that Bishop Bull's 
idea of faith, as synonomous with obedience, is one totally inad- 
missible, being quite devoid of Scripture warrant. 

Considering love as the noblest of all the religious affections, 
and therefore their representative, Dr. Mac Neece, in a very 
philosophic way, conducts the reader to the general principle, 
" that the mode in which religious faith influences men's con- 
duct and character is by awakening and directing those religious 
feelings and affections which are the prime movers in the inner 
life of the soul." 

Having premised that faith preceding love gives to it its 
peculiar religious character, the preacher then explains how, in 
the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, whose very nature is love, 
are combined all the conditions which should call forth from His 
creatures the warmest emotions of that passion. Next, adverting 
briefly, and with sorrow, to the gloomy creed of the sceptic, the 
preacher eloquently contrasts the comparative cheerfulness and 
consoling nature of that knowledge of God which is derived 
from revealed religion with the meagre and perplexing results of 
natural religion. 

" Let us not," says he, " delay longer in the dismal blank of atheism, 
which not a single ray of truth or goodness illumines. Let us pass on to 
the theism of natural religion. It is refreshing to escape from the dark- 
ness of the nethermost pit to the twilight lustre of this upper world. But 
the light, though pure, is cold. We have, indeed, here a personal and 
living God, whose moral excellencies command our devout admiration, 
and whose goodness, which is over all His works, speaks to our hearts. 
But the God of natural religion is still afar off. He is the Infinite Spirit, 
the Absolute, the Self-existent, far withdrawn into the depths of His own 
unfathomable being. 'Tis true that He manifests Himself to us in His 
works. And when, on some calm and lovely day, we look on the fair face 
of nature, and behold the rich provision made for the gratification of every 



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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 143 

sense, and see every creature full of exuberant and happy life, we are 
prompted to lift up our hearts in love and thankfulness to the gracious 
Being who has so lavishly showered His bounties on His creatures, and 
made the earth 30 lovely as an habitation for them to dwell in. But, 
alas ! the scene soon changes. Sunshine is succeeded by clouds and dark- 
ness ; the gentle zephyr gives place to the violent and destructive hurri- 
cane ; the roaring of the thunder, and the flash of the terrible lightning, 
startle the lately calm and serene face of nature ; or, what is still more 
awful and mysterious, even while all things look secure and peaceful, the 
inhabitants of the earth are visited by * the pestilence that walketh in 
darkness, and the destruction that wasteth at noon-day.' Yes, brethren, 
in the midst of life we are in death, nor is there a single spot of our globe 
of which we can say with our great moral poet that it is 

4 By- sad mortality's earth-sullying wing 
Unswept, unstained. ' 

These things pain and perplex the mere natural reason ; clouds and dark- 
ness gather round the throne of the Almighty ; faith falters, — perchance 
fails ; and the heart has no firm resting-place. But it is not so with the 
Christian. He is sure of his Father's love, and knows that ' all things 
work together for good to them that love God ;' that his trials and 
troubles are sent in mercy to correct his faults, to try, and by trying, to 
strengthen his faith — to wean him from this world ; in a word, to educate 
him for eternity." 

This admirable sermon concludes by pointing out the impor- 
tant truth that faith and love, the inner springs of our spiritual 
life, can themselves only come from Him by whose spirit the 
new creation in the soul is wrought. Tracing the entire susten- 
ance of the soul in health to the watchful care of the Almighty, 
our author thus beautifully compares it to the process by which 
the nourishment of vegetable life is provided. 

" We may compare the infusion of spiritual life into the soul by God 
to His impartation. of vegetable life to a tree ; faith and love, considered 
as the organs of the inner life, we may compare to the roots of the tree 
which cleave to the soil for nourishment and support, and to the sap 
which is propelled through the trunk to every branch and fibre ; and, 
finally, we may compare good works, which are the products and manifes- 
tations of the vital energies, to the leaves and blossoms with which the 
tree is adorned, and to its fruits, which are pleasant to the eye and grateful 
to the palate. No one of these is to be overlooked, nor are they to be 
confounded one with another." 

In the fifth of these discourses, which treats of our Lord's 
sermon on the Mount, the preacher chooses as his text, St. Matt, 
v. 48 : " Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father, which is 
in heaven, is perfect." There is hardly any sermon in the 
rolume that we can more confidently recommend our readers to 
study for themselves than this; and an illustration from so able 



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144 Dr. Mac Neece 9 s University Satnons. [October, 

a pen of the chief discourse of Him who spake as never man 
spake, cannot fail to be read with profit. A brief outline of the 
sermon will, doubtless, be acceptable. After some prelimi- 
nary remarks, the writer notices two opposite and unsound 
theories which have been advanced as to our Lord's object in 
the delivery of this discourse. The one limits the sermon to an 
exposition of pure evangelic morality; the other too widely 
extends its sphere, by considering that it contains " the sum and 
substance of Christianity, the very chief matter of the Gospel 
of our Redeemer." A sufficient answer to this latter view, 
which is held by the late Rev. F. W. Robertson/ may be found 
in the fact, that the essential Christian doctrines of the Incarna- 
tion of our Lord, his Atonement, and the Trinity in Unity, are 
nowhere explicitly enunciated in the Sermon on the Mount; 
and if we subtract these all-impprtant doctrines from " the sum 
and substance of Christianity," the remainder would indeed be 
meagre. Independently of this fact, which alone proves the 
unsoundness of the above theory, we have likewise the fact that 
this view tacitly ignores the existence of the additional truths 
revealed in the inspired letters of our Lord's apostles, or even, 
as its author docs, disparages the idea that they should be 
believed more fully to unfold the Christian system than He did 
Himself. If the apostles wrote as uninspired men, we should in 
that case, says Dr. Mac Neece, seek in our Lord's own words 
the fullest exposition of his truth : but when his Spirit spake by 
them, is it not natural that He should reserve for them the task 
of giving a more complete disclosure of the mysteries of Chris- 
tianity than could have been revealed before the occurrence of 
the events of his lifetime which formed its historical basis? 

In this we but see an example of the progressive develop- 
ment of revelation to suit the advancing state of the world, 
when men could more cordially receive the faith ; and an illus- 
tration of God's usual method of communicating his truth to 
man, gradually increasing the brilliancy of the light till it shines 
even to the perfect day. 

By a careful comparison of passages from the Sermon on the 
Mount, Dr. Mac Neece next vindicates it from the imputation 
of being simply a Christian ethical discourse, unfolding and 
amplifying the moral precepts of the Mosaic Law. He thus 
most clearly shews that the existence of Christ's kingdom, and 
man's allegiance to Him as the Messiah, are principles which 
entirely pervade this, the fullest record of our Saviour's teaching, 
which the Evangelists have supplied us with. 



c Sermons : Third Scries. London, 18G2. p. 1G4. 

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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 145 

Passing on to the polemical part of the discourse, in which 
our Lord supersedes or adds a moral enforcement to the precepts 
of olden time, the question arises as to what it is which our Lord 
has, in so marked a manner, contrasted with the pure and holy 
principles which He has propounded. Does the opposition lie 
between the Law of Moses and the Gospel system, or between the 
Gospel and the vast body of traditionary ordinances and precepts 
which the Jews considered as of equal authority with the Law, 
or, again, between the Gospel and the Law corrupted and added 
to by the tradition of men ? 

For many reasons, which will, no doubt, meet the approba- 
tion of the candid reader, Dr. Mac Neece adopts the last of the 
three views just mentioned. In order to explain how Christ's 
teaching could have been in opposition to the Law, the writer 
\ examines at some length the nature of the Mosaic ritual, and 
\ shews that in its juridical element it was merely intended to 
serve a temporary purpose, being designed for the government 
of a peculiar people ; but Christ having come not to destroy, but 
to fulfil the Law, while He abrogated its merely ceremonial 
ordinances, unfolded to the world its deep and spiritual meaning. 
During the early ages of Jewish history, the chief object of the 
Lawgiver seems to have been the isolation of the chosen race 
from the idolatrous nations of Palestine. The enactments, how- 
ever, which forbid this intercourse, could hardly, in reason, 
remain in force when the temporary danger had passed away, 
and the fulness of time had come when all the nations of earth, 
being of one blood, were about to be received within the one fold 
of the Gospel church. 

We subjoin the passage in which the writer shews that the 
exclusive character of the Old Dispensation must, of necessity, give 
place to the liberal and comprehensive character of the New : — 

" An intense and repulsive nationalism of this kind could not be the 
principle of that religion, which acknowledges no national distinctions as 
affecting the spiritual status of its members, but draws all men to its 
bosom by the bonds of a common human brotherhood, and afterwards 
binds them together by a closer and more tender tie, even by that brotherly 
love which they must feel as members of Christ and children of the same 
heavenly Father. The spirit of that religion is a spirit of self-sacrificing 
love which beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, 
endureth all things.'* 

At the close of the sermon we have an earnest exhortation 
to strive towards the attainment of that heavenly perfection set 
before us, which is the transcript of God's spotless character. 
"True" (says the preacher), the picture is but an ideal one of 
what men ought to be, yet it is the only one which a Being of 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. L 



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146 Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. [October, 

perfect holiness could give. And though incapable of full realiza- 
tion in this present life, still by it the Christian is ever animated 
to fresh exertion through the spiritual strength imparted from on 
high. 

In Sermon xxi. on " The duty of declaring all the counsel 
of God," we have some most valuable advice which a moment's 
reflection must convince our readers is greatly required at the 
present day. The preacher, addressing himself especially to those 
of his audience who had selected as their future profession the 
ministry of the Gospel, emphatically cautions them against the 
danger of entertaining partial and exclusive views on religious 
subjects. There is no doubt but that many of the popular 
preachers alluded to in the foregoing part of this article have 
attained their popularity by giving prominence in their discourses 
to certain favourite subjects (generally, indeed, those which are 
least understood by man), and by expounding one-sided views 
and special phases of the truth to the comparative exclusion of 
others equally important, not imitating in this respect the con- 
duct of St. Paul to the Ephesian Church, who " did not shun 
to declare to them all the counsel of God " (Traaav ttjv ftovXrjv 
tov Qeov) . The remarks of our author on this subject are well 
worthy of attention, not onlyfrom their real value, but because they 
evidence great breadth of view and habits of close observation : — 

" There are few who have not their favourite doctrines. These are 
favourites with thera for several reasons. Either because they are most 
accordant with their peculiar temperament and habit of mind ; or because 
they have been recommended to them by the authority of persons whom 
they admire or revere ; or because they have been objected to by some 
sect or party with whom they have no sympathy, and have accordingly 
been more zealously adhered to, more fondly cherished and more exclu- 
sively dwelt on in consequence of this very opposition. From motives 
such as these we find many, both clergy and laity, adopting a certain set 
of favourite doctrines to the practical, if not avowed neglect of others 
equally spiritual and, perhaps, equally important. As instances of what I 
mean, I may point to the fact that some persons dwell chief y on the 
divine decrees; others on the reality of human responsibility and the 
necessity of human effort ; some on the doctrine of justification by faith 
only; others on the duty of good works and of continual progress in holi- 
ness; some on the relations whereby man is directly linked as an individual 
with God; others on those which counect him with the church, and on 
the duties to God and to the brethren springing out of those relations ; 
some on the grace derived from the saving truths of the Gospel, when 
mixed with faith in those that hear them ; others on the grace derived 
from those same truths, when embodied in the Sacraments and other 
external ordinances of the Church; some, in fine, dwell almost exclusively 
on the first coming of Christ and His invisible in His Church, and that 



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1864.] Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. 147 

spiritual kingdom of God which is within us; while others specially 
devote themselves to speculations of His second coming, and on the 
nature of the kingdom which He will then establish." 

The following passage from Sermon xvi. speaks of the per- 
fect knowledge the believer shall hereafter attain to, when being 
made like his Saviour from seeing Him as He is, all erroneous 
notions as to God's character, and all the clouds that dim our 
mortal sight, shall be removed. 

" But in the great day of manifestation these errors shall vanish away 
like morning clouds before the rising sun, and every other cause of imper- 
fection shall disappear with them. * Gazing with unveiled face on the 
glory of God/ His people shall be 'transformed into the same image 
from glory to glory.' And thus at all times the more complete the know- 
ledge of God, and the more intimate the acquaintance with Him, which 
His creatures are enabled to enjoy, the more God-like they become. And, 
on the other hand, just in the same proportion as they become morally 
like unto God, they are qualified to make still greater advances in the 
knowledge of His perfections, and this process of mutual interaction in 
the departments of knowledge and love, of wisdom, and holiness, will go 
on through eternity. What a wondrous prospect for the Christian ! How 
infinitely does it transcend all that ever before entered into the heart of 
the wisest of the human race to conceive of man's nature and destiny." 

From the copious extracts already given the reader may form 
some opinion as to the general merit of the book. The theolo- 
gical student will find in it a complete body of divinity, the 
offspring of a profound and pious mind, while the less thoughtful, 
but equally earnest Christian, may derive from it ample supplies 
of spiritual consolation and refreshment. 

From these sermons we can see the broad and comprehensive 
views their author was accustomed to take of any subject that 
he dealt with. They are marked neither by trivial special plead- 
ing nor frothy ornamentation, but evidence throughout a vigor- 
ous manliness of thought and felicitous perspicuity of language, 
while those points which are of real importance to the subject 
are selected and set forth with singular force and clearness. We 
are impressed, on their perusal, with the conviction that their 
author must have been a man of a deeply pious and reverent 
spirit, a strong sense of duty, high scholarship, and an intimate 
acquaintance with the sacred writings. His quotations from 
Scripture are frequent, but never, as we find with many writers, 
unmeaning — always philosophic and to the point. 

Perhaps the best illustrations of this remark are to be found 
in the lecture on the Inspiration of Scriptures, in which a sub- 
ject confessedly difficult is handled with remarkable clearness and 
ability, and Holy Scripture itself so aptly quoted as to become 

l 2 



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148 Dr. Mac Neece's University Sermons. [October, 

the proof and evidence of its own inspiration. We should 
strongly recommend the perusal of this treatise to all who wish 
for a brief and comprehensive statement of the question. 

The interesting and elegantly written memoir which is pre- 
fixed to the volume, from the pen of his colleague in the Divinity 
School, is an able and affectionate tribute of respect for departed 
worth. We quite agree with its author in regretting that all the 
discourses are not accompanied by a body of critical annotations, 
such as are appended to the first two, published some years ago. 

There yet remain one or two considerations which induce us 
to recommend these sermons to the public. From the spirit of 
infidelity that is abroad, especially in England, thoughtful minds 
are apt to be unsettled in vital questions of religion. And if an 
affected philosophy is disposed to question the defences of the 
Faith, we have here a powerful and scientific intellect, expounding 
from an orthodox point of view the saving efficacy of the truth 
which Holy Scripture has revealed. 

One more reason induces us to recommend this volume to 
the attention of our English readers. The late sessions of 
Parliament have drawn out from various sources strong expres- 
sions of antipathy to the Church establishment. And as, when 
the strain comes, the cable must always give way at its weakest 
link, so the Irish branch of the Established Church is sure to be 
the first assailed, in consequence of the smaller numerical pro- • 
portion which its members bear to those of other denominations, 
as compared with England. If it then should fall, it would 
require no extraordinary foresight to predict the fate of the 
English branch. 

Under these circumstances it is felt that the Church's chief 
safeguard under providence consists in the orthodoxy, the faith- 
fulness, and the high standing of her ministers. In Mac Neece's 
sermons, then, the English public, who are looking anxiously to 
the state of the sister Church beyond St. George's Channel, 
will find not only the production of an Irish clergyman eminent 
for his talents and his piety, but they may form some estimate 
of the education of the Irish clergy at large from the discourses 
of a great and good man, who for so long a period greatly con- 
tributed to guide and mould the sentiments of the Divinity 
Students in the Dublin University, and whose influence has 
doubtless been largely felt thereby throughout the ranks of the 
junior clergy. It is to be hoped that the record now presented 
of his past teaching may help them onward in the noble but 
arduous task which lies before them, of " feeding the Church of 
God, which he hath purchased with his own blood." 

W. S. D. 



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1864.] ( 149 ) 

CORRESPONDENCE. 



[We wish our readers to understand that we cannot be held responsible for the 
opinions of our contributors and correspondents. The utmost we can do is to keep a 
careful eye upon the literary character of their communications, and to see that they 
do not transcend the limits of fair criticism and lawful inquiry.'} 



THE AKCHONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

The great importance of chronology, as a testimony that Jesus 
Christ was the Messiah foretold by Daniel, and the seeming impos- 
sibility of shewing by the common chronology that He was so, must 
be my apology for again trespassing on your columns in defence of 
my position as to the archons of Demosthenes. 

If there really were more archons eponymi in the time of Philip 
than are given in the list of Diodorus, it follows, of necessity, that 
all the archons which preceded those additional ones must have been 
placed by Diodorus too low, and, consequently, in wrong Olympic 
years. 

Under these circumstances, it is our duty carefully and dispas- 
sionately to consider what may be advanced both for and against the 
additional archons of Demosthenes. 

In your number for January last, p. 428, Dr. Hincks says, " All 
the archons mentioned by Demosthenes were ThesmothetaB." In your 
number for April, I endeavoured to shew from the language of 
Demosthenes that at least Mnesithides, who was mentioned by him 
as an archon, was not one of the six ThesmothetaB, but an eponymus 
archon. In your number for July Dr. Hincks says, " Mr. Parker 
has begged the question as to Mnesithides having been an Athenian 
archon. It is evident to me that he was archon at Delphi." This 
would seem to be something like an admission that I had succeeded 
in shewing that Mnesithides was, at least, an eponymus archon. 
But I am not quite sure that this is Dr. Hincks' meaning: for, 
immediately before, he says, " The other statement of mine against 
which Mr. Parker contends is, that the archons mentioned by 
Demosthenes as having had decrees, passed when they were in office, 
were Thesmothetae. I need only re-affirm this, which is, I believe, 
the opinion of all who have treated on the subject, with the single 
exception of Mr. Parker, and against which he has not adduced a 
single argument of any weight. All he can say is that, iu addition 
to the eight archons mentioned by Demosthenes as presiding at the 
passing of decrees, he mentions a ninth as giving a date. This ninth 
Mnesithides must, he says, have been an archon eponymus, and 
consequently the other eight must have been eponymi too. The 
conclusion does not follow. But, I will add, Mr. Parker has begged 
the question as to Mnesithides having been an Athenian archou. It 



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150 Correspondence. [October, 

is evident to me that he was archon at Delphi. The decree of the 
Amphictyons is first given, at the passing of which Cleinagoras 
presided as priest. His name appears in the preamble, just as the 
name of the Thesmothet© appears in the preamble of an Athenian 
decree. But at the end of the decree, or at the back of it, the date 
would be given. At Athens the archon eponymus of the year would 
be named, and at Delphi the person who was archon eponymus 
there. This appears to me the most natural solution of the difficulty ; 
but it is not the only one." 

Thus,, in one line we have Dr. Hincks re-affirming his opinion 
that Mnesithides was one of the Thesmothet® ; then, a few lines 
after, it is evident to the doctor that he was an archon at Delphi ; 
and, a few lines after, his opinion comes out that he was an archon 
eponymus at Delphi. I presume that this is what the doctor means ; 
but he can scarcely expect your readers to believe that Mnesithides 
was both one of the Thesmothet© at Athens, and also an archon 
eponymus at Delphi. At all events, I need not, after this, add to 
the weight of my argument to prove that he was not one of the six 
Thesmothet®, but an archon eponymus. 

In my last paper I certainly begged the question as to Mnesithides 
being an Athenian archon. The decree, which was produced and 
read by the officer of the court, at the instance of Demosthenes, was 
a decree of the Amphictyons, and the pontificate of Cleinagoras was 
given in it, as the Amphictyonic date ; but this not being sufficiently 
explicit, Demosthenes presses for the date; and surely it is not 
unreasonable to assume that the date given under these circum- 
stances by an officer of the court in an Athenian Court, was an 
Athenian date, that is to say, that the name of the archon eponymus, 
which was given as the date, was the name of an Athenian archon 
eponymus, and it is for Dr. Hincks to prove, and not merely suggest, 
that he was archon eponymus at Delphi. It would also be well if 
the doctor could produce any other instance of there having been an 
archon eponymus at Delphi who gave the name to the year. If in 
an English court of justice an officer of the court gave the dale of a 
document which he had produced at the instance of a suitor, as the 
first of Victoria, would it be thought unreasonable if I assumed that 
he meant Victoria, Queen of England ? 

Having proved that Mnesithides was an archon eponymus, I 
assumed that the other eight archons of Demosthenes were also 
archons eponymi. Nor was it necessary to enter into any argument 
as to these other eight archons, which are mentioned by Demosthenes, 
and not found in the list of Diodorus. For the finding of only one 
additional archon eponymus of the time of Philip would be good 
evidence that there must have been at least one year more between 
the Peloponnesian war and the death of Alexander than are given 
by Diodorus. Of course, I am assuming that all the archons given 
by Diodorus were eponymi. But I can say something as to these 
other eight archons also. In Demosthenes (Pro Ctesiphonte, de 
Corond, p. 253) we read, "The Decree. In the archonship of 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 151 

Chaerondas, son of Hegemon, on the twenty-fifth day of the month 
Gamelion, the Leontidian tribe then presiding, at the motion of 

Aristonicus, the following decree was made," "that he 

(Demosthenes) shall be crowned with a golden crown," etc. In 
p. 282 of the same Oration we find, " A Decree. In the archonship 
of Heropythus, on the twenty-fifth day of the month Elaphebolion, 
the Erecthian tribe presiding, the senate and generals came to the 
following resolution," etc. "Another Decree. In the archonship of 
Heropythus, the last day of the month Munichion, at the motion of 
the Polemarch : Whereas Philip is exerting his most strenuous efforts 
to alienate the Thebans from us," etc. 

Here, then, we have decrees, given by Demosthenes, as in the 
archonships of ChaBrondas and Heropythus, with their preambles 
similarly expressed ; and if it can be proved that Chaerondas was 
an archon eponymus at Athens, the plain inference must be that 
Heropythus was also an archon eponymus at Athens. 

I presume Dr. Hincks will scarcely suggest that either of these 
was an archon eponymus at Delphi. iEschines, in his Oration 
against Ctesiphon, to prove that Ctesiphon had presumed to confer 
the honour of a crown on Demosthenes, when engaged in every kind 
of public magistracy, says, " These things I shall prove by the testi- 
mony of Demosthenes and Ctesiphon themselves. For, in the 
archonship of Chsrondas, on the twenty-second of the month 
Thargelion, was a popular assembly held, in which Demosthenes 
obtained a decree, appointing a convention of the tribes on the 
second of the succeeding month," etc. 

Plutarch (Demosthenes, i., 857) says, "The accusation against 
Ctesiphon, Concerning the Crown, was written and brought on in 
the archonship of ChaBrondas, a little before the battle of Chaeronea, 
but was decided ten years afterwards in the archonship of Aristophon." 
Plutarch was a native of Chaeronea. "We also find ChaBrondas in the 
list of Diodorus's archons, and from his lib. xvi. 84 — 88, we learn 
that the battle of ChaBronea was fought in the archonship of 
Chaerondas at Athens. Thus ChaBrondas was clearly an eponymus 
archon of Athens, and the inference is plain that Heropythus must 
also have been an Athenian archon eponymus. The same kind of 
argument might be pursued as to the other seven archons which are 
mentioned by Demosthenes, and not found in the list of Diodorus. 
In other parts of Demosthenes we find the following also mentioned 
as archons : — Euclides, p. 742 ; Evander, p. 743 ; Polyzelus, Cephiso- 
dorus, Chion, Timocrates, p. 868; Dysnicetus, Nicophemus, p. 1132; 
Agathocles, p. 1152; Socratidas, *p. 1186; Alcisthenes, p. 1193; 
Lyciscus, p. 1330; Asteias, Phrasiclides, p. 1357. These are also 
found in the list of Diodorus, and will, therefore, we presume, be 
readily admitted to be archons eponymi of Athens. But what will 
become of the statement of Dr. Hincks: — "All the archons men- 
turned by Demosthenes were Thesmotheta?" I will allow him to 
mean only all those that are mentioned by Demosthenes and nob 
found in Diodorus; but there is clearly no ground for such an 



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152 Correspondence. [October 

exception ; for all are equally mentioned by Demosthenes to designate 
a date, and therefore all must be equally regarded as archons 
eponymi of Athens. Dr. Hincks might have learnt from my 
Archons of Athens that I was quite aware that Meursius, Palmer, 
Corsini and Clinton held that these archons of Demosthenes, which 
are not found in Diodorus, were not archons eponymi: but they 
took it for granted that there were no more years between the end 
of the Peloponnesian war and the death of Alexander than are given 
by Diodorus, and that, as Diodorus had given an archon eponymus 
for each year, there could have been no room for any more, and that, 
therefore, there could have been no more archons eponymi. 

But against this view I produce testimony to shew that there 
were twenty-one years more during this period than are given by 
Diodorus. One of my witnesses is Africanus, as handed down by 
Syncellus; and in your p. 165 I say, "We learn from Julius 
Africanus that Creon was archon in 19 01. 3, that is, B.C. 702." 
Dr. Hincks meets this by a direct negative in your p. 414, saying, 
"We learn from him (Africanus) no such thing. He says that 
Creon was archon 903 years before Philinus, who presided in the 
first year of the 250th Olympiad, or a.d. 221. The archonship of 
Creon began, therefore, according to Africanus (as according to 
Eusebius and all modern chronologers, except Mr. Parker), in 
683 b.c. Mr. Parker, however, substitutes 923 for 903. The latter 
is the reading of both the MSS. and of all the editions in the Greek 
text. Goar, however, the most stupid of editors, fancied that this 
must be a mistake, and he substituted 923 in his margin and in his 
Latin translation. Mr. Parker looked to the Latin version only, and 
was thus led into error. He makes a further mistake in attributing 
to Africanus the statement that Creon was archon in the 19th 
Olympiad, but called by others the 25th. These statements, as 
well as the mundane date 4801, are due to Syncellus, and, I need 
scarcely say, his chronological statements have no value whatever." 

Thus we are at direct issue as to what we learn from this passage 
in Syncellus, and that your readers may judge between us I give the 
passage in full. In his Chronographid, p. 212, Syncellus says, 
" Down to the year 4801 from Adam, there were seventeen of the 
first kings of Athens, and after them there were thirteen for life 
called archons: then there were seven for ten years each, in all 
thirty-seven, who held the government of Athens from the year of 
the world 3945, and ceased when they had continued for 856 entire 
years. After these there were found among the patricians yearly 
archons, and the government of nine archons was established at 
Athens. The government of the yearly archons was set up in the 
the year of the world 4801. Creon was chosen the first archon in 
the 19th Olympiad, but others say in the 25th. From his time to 
the 250fch Olympiad there were 903 (in the margin, 923) archons 
down to Philinus, in whose time Gratus Severianus and Seleucus 
were the Roman consuls. From the consuls in the time of Brutus, 
after the kings, there were numbered 725 down to the year of the 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 153 

world 5723, according to Airicanus, which was the third year of the 
Eoman king, Antoninus Augustus." 

I do not assume that Syncellus took his years of the world, 
4801, 5723, from Airicanus ; for the year 4801 is evidently a con- 
tinuation of his account of the world from his immediately preceding 
date of a.m. 4791, as the beginning of the decennial archonship of 
Eryxias. But, as the great object of Syncellus in this passage was 
to carry on his history of the world from a.m. 4801 to a.m. 5723, 
I hold that the authority of Airicanus may reasonably be considered 
as intended to be applied to the account given of the archons, and 
not merely confined to the account given of the consuls, who 
embraced only a part of the interval. But I need not insist upon 
this, as my concern is more for the statement itself than for the 
authority upon which it is made. No one will suspect that the 
account here given of the archons by Syncellus was an invention of 
his own. He must have had the tradition from some old authority, 
and the author, whoever he was, was plainly contending that the 
archonship of Creon began in the 19th Olympiad, and not in the 
25th, as held by others ; and the simple question is, What is the 
right reading for the number of archons between the 19th Olympiad 
and the 250th Olympiad ? Is it 903, as given in the text and con- 
tended for by Dr. Hincks, or is it 923, as given in the margin 
and in the Latin version by Goar and adopted by myself? 
250 01. l==997th Olympic year, and 19 01. 3=75th Olympic 
year, and the number of years between these two dates (997 and 75, 
Doth inclusive) is clearly 923 and not 903. There must also have 
been the same interval between a.m. 4801, when Creon was archon, 
and a.m. 5723, in which Philinus was archon. Thus the tradition 
itself (whether true or false) is exactly that which I have represented 
it to be, and may clearly be applied, as I have applied it in your 
pages, to shew that there was room for the additional archons of 
Demosthenes. That this tradition as to Creon, which gives twenty- 
one additional years to the kingdom of Athens, came from Airicanus, 
is rendered not improbable by the circumstance that, in another 
place, as I have also noticed in your pages, Airicanus gives twenty- 
one additional years to the kingdom of Persia by placing the end of 
the seventy years' captivity at Babylon, that is, the twenty-first year 
of Cyrus, in 55 01. 1. 

But the probability of the truth of these two traditions would 
be much increased if they came from separate and independent testi- 
monies. Thus my position would rather gain than lose by my 
admitting that I was wrong as to the tradition respecting Creon 
having been banded down by Airicanus. 

Further: Dr. Hincks also says that all other writers, except 
myself, think that Airicanus places the termination of the captivity 
in the first year of Cyrus in Persia, twenty-two years before his 
capture of Babylon, " either through a gross mistake, or, as seems 
more probable, in order, by a ' pious- fraud,' to support his favourite 
theory as to Biblical chronology." Thus, according to Dr. Hincks, 
the chronological statements of Syncellus have no value whatever, 



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154 



Correspondence. 



[October, 



and Africanus could make a " gross mistake," or commit a " pious 
fraud ;" and so, according to Dr. Hincks, there would not be much 
room to choose between the two. That Africanus has handed down 
traditions which are contradictory is not to be denied. He has 
handed down a tradition that the 20th of Artaxerxes was the 115th 
year of the kingdom of Persia and in the fourth year of the 83rd 
Olympiad. Dr. Hincks says that I have strangely overlooked this 
passage ; but he may have seen it (with the omission of the Olympiad) 
in my Archons of Athens, p. 14, as taken from Jerome ; and he may 
see it in full in my Chronology, p. 441, as taken from Jerome and 
Syncellus. According to this tradition, the first of Cyrus's thirty 
years uf Persia must have been in 55 01. 2 ; and so the end of the 
seventy years' captivity, that is, the twenty-first of Cyrus, could not 
have been in 55 01. 1, as stated in his other tradition. Of course, 
one or other of these two traditions must be wrong ; but, by means 
of this last tradition of Africanus, I am able to shew that Diodorus 
has, in effect, also handed down to us the same two contradictory 
traditions, and they may be best seen by illustration, as follows : — 



First of Deioces 



Last of A sty ages 
Fall of Babylon 
Persia. Fall of Cyrus 

21st of Cyrus 

6th of Darius Cod. 



Fig. I. 
Media. 



17 01. 2. 



B.C. 

711. 



54 01.3. 562. 

55 01.2. 559. 
60 01. 2. 539. 

112 01. 2. 331. 



First of Deioces 

Last of Astyages 
Fall of Babylon 



Fig. II. 
Media. B.C. 

20 01. 1. 700 



1st of Cyrus J2 
Larissa Eel. «< 
57 01.2.551. 

Fall of Crcesus 



Persia. 



22nd of Cyrus -- 60 OL 3 



6th of Darius *< 



55 01. 2. 
i» »» 4. 

58 01. 



112 01. 2. 



B.C. 

559 
557 



538 
331 



First of Deioces _ 

© 

Last of Astyages 
Fall of Babylon 



Fig. III. 
Media. b.c. 

17 OL 2. 711 



1st of Cyrus 
54 OL 3. 562 

21st of Cyrus 
Larissa Eel. 

6th of Darius 



Persia. 



50 01. 1. 

-- 55 01. 1. 
»» »i 4. 



B.C. 

580 

560 
557 



112 01.2. 331 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 155 

As Dr. Hincks observes, tbe first of Xerxes was, according to Afri- 
canus, the 75th year of the Persian empire, or 73 01. 4. This would 
agree with Diodorus (lib. xi. 1), in placing the expedition of Xerxes into 
Greece in the archonship of CaUiades and in 75 01. 1, as appears in 
the Extended Table of my Chronology. Thus Diodorus may be con- 
sidered as holding with the tradition of Africanus, which would place 
the first of Cyrus's thirty years in 55 01. 2, as in Figs. I., II. 

In opposition to this, in p. 170 of your number for April, I have 
shewn that, according to Diodorus, the first year of Deioces, king of 
Media, was in 17 01. 2, b.o. 711, and, therefore, the last year of 
Astyages, which, according to Herodotus, was the 150th year of the 
Median empire, must have been in B.C. 562, that is, 54 01. 3 (See 
Mgs.I.,Ill) 

Now this is clearly inconsistent with the other tradition, that the 
first of Cyrus's thirty years' rei^n in Persia was in 55 01. 2. For, 
according to this account, the kingdom of Media must have come to 
an end before Cyrus became king of Persia, as an ordinary kingdom. 
The account of Herodotus (Clio) is that Babylon was conquered by 
Cyrus, as king of Persia, and that he had conquered Croesus, king of 
the Lydians, before he conquered Babylon, and conquered Astyages, 
the last king of the Medes, before he conquered Croesus. 

The same two contradictory traditions are also handed down by 
Eusebius. Thus, in his Chronicon, p. 126, Eusebius places the last 
year of Astyages in 54 01. 4, and the first of Cyrus's thirty years in 
Persia in 55 01. 1 (See Fig. 1). But Eusebius makes the contra- 
diction still more apparent by saying, immediately after his 54 01. 4, 
that Cyrus overthrew the Median empire and reigned over Persia, 
having conquered Astyages, king of the Medes, and released the 
Jews from their captivity. 

Dan. ii. gives an account of four universal kingdoms : — I. The 
head of Nebuchadnezzar's image, of fine gold — Babylon. II. His 
breast and arms, of silver — Persia. III. His belly and thighs, of 
brass — Greece. IV. His legs, of iron; his feet, part of iron and 
part of clay — Borne. Nor can it be doubted that Cyrus was king 
of Persia many years before Persia became the universal kingdom on 
the overthrow of Babylon. And thus the kingdoms of Babylon and 
of Persia (as an ordinary kingdom), like the kingdoms of Media and 
of Persia (as an ordinary kingdom), must have overlapped each other, 
as shewn in Figs. II., III., and not merely followed each other, as 
represented by the two traditions handed down both by Diodorus 
and Eusebius, and shewn in Fig. I. 

Eusebius, in his Chronicon,j>. 128, says that, according to some, 
the seventy years' captivity ended in the 20th of Cyrus, and the 
Canon of Ptolemy gives only nine years to Cyrus, that is, his sup- 
posed years after his conquest of Babylon ; and the only question is, 
whether the ends of the kingdoms of Media and of Babylon are to be 
brought down below 55 01. 1, as in Fig. II., or whether the beginning 
of Cyrus's thirty years in Persia is to be carried up above 54 01. 3, 
as in Fig. III. Blair has placed the first of Cyrus's thirty years in 



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156 Correspondence. [October, 

55 01. 2, and brought down the last year of Astyages to 57 01. 2, the 
9th of Cyrus, and placed the overthrow of Croesus in 58 01. 1, the 
12th of Cyrus, and placed the overthrow of Babylon in 60 01. 3, 
the 22nd of Cyrus, as seen in Fig. II. 

But if the tradition of Diodorus as to the reign of Deioces, (and 
which, with the testimony of Herodotus, would place the last year 
of Astyages in 54 01. 8,) is to be sustained, the arrangement of 
Blair must be rejected, and the beginning of Cyrus's thirty years in 
Persia must be carried up above 54 01. 3 ; so that the first year of 
Cyrus's reign in Persia, which was in 55 01. 1, must have been the 
first year of his reign in Persia as the universal kingdom, on the fall of 
Babylon, that is to say, the 21st of Cyrus's thirty years' reign in Persia 
must have been in 55 01. 1, according to the tradition of Africanus. 

Under this supposition, the first of Cyrus's thirty years in Persia 
must have been in 50 01. 1 ; and, in accordance with this, we have 
Pliny, Nat. Hist., xxxvi. 4, saying, " Dipoenus and Scyllis, natives of 
Crete, were the first who were celebrated for marble sculpture even 
in the reign of the Medes, before Cyrus began to reign in Persia, 
that is, in the 50th Olympiad." Further: if the reign of Cyrus in 
Persia began in 50 01. 1, and the kingdom of Persia ended, as all 
admit, when Alexander conquered Darius Codom, in 112 01. 2, the 
duration of the kingdom must have been, not merely 229 years, 
according to Diodorus and the common chronology, but 250 years. 
In perfect accordance with this, we have Strabo (xv. 851) and 
Sulpitius Severus (1. ii., c. 17) stating that its duration was 250 
years. Further: if the duration of the kingdom was twenty-one 
years more than are assigned to it by Diodorus, some one or more of 
its kings must have reigned more years than are given by Diodorus. 
In perfect accordance with this, we have Plutarch {Artaxerxes, 1027) 
and Sulpitius Severus (ii. 13) giving to Artaxerxes Memor sixty -two 
years instead of the forty-three years which are assigned to him by 
Diodorus (xiii. 108, xv. 93), and Artaxerxes began to reign just at 
the end of the Peloponnesian war. 

Now all these testimonies would make the desired room for the 
additional archons of Demosthenes, and make it highly probable that 
they were all archons eponymi ; and, on the other hand, the certainty 
that they were archons eponymi would add greatly to the probability 
that all these concurring testimonies were true. 

Further : to defend the tradition of Diodorus as to Deioces, I 
may produce the testimony of Dr. Hincks himself; and thus we shall 
not only have Syncellus v. Syncellus, and Africanus v. Africanus, and 
Eusebius v. Eusebius, and Diodorus v. Diodorus, but also Dr. Hincks 
v. Dr. Hincks. 

In my Chronology^ pp. 386 — 393, I have shewn that the most 
probable year, on historical grounds, for the eclipse, which ter- 
minated the Median and Lydian war, was the thirty-fourth year of 
Cyaxares, king of Media, the immediate predecessor of Astyages ; 
and, if the first year of Deioces was in 17 01. 2, according to 
Diodorus the thirty-fourth year of Cyaxares, the 109th year of the 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 157 

Median kingdom, according to Herodotus, must have been in 44 01. 2, 
B.C. 603; and in my last letter I noticed that Dr. Hincks enter- 
tained no doubt, on astronomical grounds, that the eclipse of 18th 
May, B.C. 603, was the eclipse which terminated the Lydian war. 

In your p. 411, Dr. Hincks says, " As to the eclipse predicted by 
Thales, no one, I suppose, doubts that it was that which occurred on 
the 28th of May, 585 B.C. I certainly never doubted it, though 
Mr. Parker brings me prominently forward as doing so. I deny, how- 
ever, that it was the eclipse which terminated the Lydian war. 
I think that Herodotus was mistaken in identifying this last eclipse 
with that predicted by Thales ; and I suggested, at the meeting of 
the British Association in 1856, that Herodotus was led into this 
mistake by his having heard that Thales had predicted the eclipse of 
585 from his knowing that the eclipse which terminated the Lydian 
war had occurred* in 603." This passage is certainly the first thing 
that has excited my suspicion that Dr. Hincks or any one else ever 
made any distinction between the eclipse of Thales and the eclipse 
that terminated the Lydian war. I have now before me three papers 
of February 3rd, 1853 (Philosop. Tram.) ; of June 12th, 1857 ; of 
March 12th, 1858 ; by the Astronomer Eoyal, G\ B. Airy, Esq., on 
the Eclipse of Thales. In each of these papers the eclipse is dealt 
with as oeing the eclipse that terminated the Lydian war ; and the 
date contended for by Mr. Airy is 28th May, B.C. 585. In 
your number for January, 1857, p. 463, Dr. Hincks says, "He 
(Mr. Bosanquet) says that Mr. Airy has proved that the eclipse 
which terminated the Lydian war occurred on the 28th May, 
685 B.C. ; and that, as Cyaxares was king of Media at the time of 
that eclipse, the received chronology, by which he was at least ten 
years dead, must be false. If Mr. Airy had really proved what 
Mr. Bosanquet says that he has proved, it would, I grant, be impos- 
sible to maintain the received chronology ; but I deny the fact. 
Mr. Airy has asserted it, but he has given no proof of his assertion. 
I say this with the full knowledge of the paper on this eclipse that 
Mr. Airy has published in the Philosophical Transactions, the most 
inconclusive paper on a mathematical subject which I have ever 
perused. Mr. Airy sets out with an hypothesis, which is not only 
arbitrary, but, in the highest degree, improbable, not to say absurd ; 
and on this hypothesis his entire argument rests. Deny the hypo- 
thesis, and the whole of what he says in support of his position 
comes to nought." A little further on Dr. Hincks says, " I myself, 
however, entertain no doubt that the eclipse of 18th May, 603 B.C., 
was that which terminated the Lydian war." Now, from this we 
must conclude that Dr. Hincks was perfectly aware that Mr. Airy 
was contending for the eclipse of 28th May, 585 B.C., as being not 
merely the eclipse which terminated the Median and Lydian war, 
but also as being the eclipse of Thales. Nor can I find in this paper 
of Dr. Hincks' a single syllable which could excite the least sus- 
picion that Dr. Hincks then entertained the distinction which he 
now says that he suggested to the British Association in 1856 ; and 



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158 Correspondence, [October, 

as he contended that the eclipse, which he must have known Mr. 
Airy was contending for as the eclipse of Thales, as well as the 
eclipse that terminated the Lydian war, was in B.C. 603, and not 
in B.C. 585, as contended for by Mr. Airy, I presume your readers 
would have held me excused, if I had brought Dr. Uincks prominently 
forward, as he says I have done, as doubting that the eclipse pre- 
dicted by Thales was that which occurred on the 28th May, 585 B.C. 
I certainly did consider that Dr. Hindis' saying, without any 
explanation, that the eclipse which terminated the Lydian war was 
in B.C. 603, was equivalent to saying that the eclipse of Thales was 
not in B.C. 585. But what I have really done has been carefully to 
produce Dr. Hincks' own words, giving his opinion that the eclipse 
which terminated the Lydian war occurred in B.C. 603 ; and, with 
the explanation which he has now given, it is nothing to the purpose 
for him to say that certainly he never had doubted that the eclipse 
predicted by Thales occurred on the 28th May, 585 B.C. The 
question which Dr. Hincks has not answered is, Does he now doubt, 
on astronomical grounds, that the eclipse which terminated the 
Lydian war was in B.C. 603 ? Dr. Hinclcs might have said in his 
paper in 1857 that he agreed with Mr. Airy as to the eclipse of 
Thales being in B.C. 585, but that he did not agree with him as to 
the way in which he attempted to prove it ; for, that the data of 
Herodotus as to the Lydian war employed by Mr. Airy had reference 
to a prior eclipse, which led to the prediction of Thales, and, if dealt 
with properly, would give, astronomically, a result of B.C. 603, 
instead of B.C. 585. Dr. Hincks may or may not hold the dis- 
tinction for which he contends ; but this contest between him and 
Mr. Airy must surely be regarded by your readers merely as a contest 
as to who is the best astronomer. My object is to confirm, if possible, 
by astronomical as well as by historical evidence, the tradition of 
Diodorus as to the first year of Deioces being in 17 01. 2, B.C. 711 ; 
and the astronomical testimony of Dr. Hincks as to the eclipse which 
terminated the Lydian war, and which he has not yet ventured to 
contradict, gives it, as I have shewn, a very striking confirmation ; 
but I must still say that the weight of his opinion is very much 
diminished by the circumstance that it is not supported by the 
Astronomer Eoyal : and surely what Dr. Hincks has allowed himself 
to say of Mr. Airy cannot tend to create in your readers a con- 
fidence in the calculation of distant eclipses for the determination of 
chronology, especially in opposition to the concurring testimonies of 
such unconnected and unbiassed witnesses as Demosthenes, Strabo, 
Pliny and Plutarch. That there was a large eclipse of the sun in 
B.C. 603 is not doubted on astronomical grounds, whether it can be 
proved by astronomical calculation that it corresponded with the 
particulars given by Herodotus or not. 

Thus, not only has Dr. Hincks failed in shewing either that the 
additional archons of Demosthenes were not archons eponymi, or 
that I have dealt unfaithfully with the tradition in Syncellus as to 
Creon, which would make room for them ; but also the testimonies 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 159 

which I have produced to prove the truth of the tradition are such 
as not to be set aside lightly. Dr. Hincks may charge Africanus 
with committing " a pious fraud " in order to support his favourite 
theory as to Biblical chronology ; but no such charge can be brought 
against Liysias, Demosthenes, Strabo, Diodorus, Pliny, or Plutarch, 
nor is it easy to understand how their strict concurrence in support 
of Africanus could have arisen, except on the supposition that they 
were all Bpeaking the truth. That Diodorus has fallen into error in 
respect to the Olympic years in which he has placed his archons, 
need not excite our surprise when we hear Plutarch (Numa, i. 60) 
saying, " It is difficult to collect the times accurately, and especially 
those which are deduced from Olympiads." It is also easy to con- 
ceive that Diodorus may have mistaken the first year of Cyrus in 
Persia, as an ordinary kingdom, for the first of his reign in Persia, 
as one of the four universal kingdoms, as being in 55 01. 1. 

In your page 415, Dr. Hincks also says in reference to the period 
in dispute, " Anything is preferable to tampering with the received 
chronology of this period, which is as certain as that of modern 
English history." "lour readers must judge how far Dr. Hincks is 
justified in this statement after the testimonies which I have produced 
against it. Their verdict may be that if there be a certainty in the 
matter, the certainty is according to my view of it. Galileo was 
imprisoned for supporting the system of Copernicus as to the revolu- 
tion of the earth around the sun. 

With respect to Creon, Dr. Hincks also represents me in your 
page 414 as saying, " Dionysius must have agreed with Africanus 
(or rather with me) in placing this archonship in 702 ; and, therefore, 
he must have placed the building of Rome in 772." I have never 
said, nor meant to imply anything of the kind. In your page 169, 
I said, " We learn from Dionysius (Ha., i., 57) that Kome was built 
when Charops was archon at Athens for the first of his ten years. 
Charops was first of the seven decennial archons who immediately 
preceded Creon. Hence, with Creon in 19 01. 3, i. e., B.C. 702, 
Kome must have been built in B.C. 772. But Dionysius also says 
that, according to Polybius, it was built in 7 01.2, i.e., B.C. 751. 
Here again we have a variation of twenty-one years." I had pre- 
viously shewn that, according to Africanus, Creon was archon in 19 
01. 3, and the sole obiect of my reference to Dionysius, in regard to 
Creon, was to shew the interval between him and the building of 
Borne. Dionysius, like other writers, may be right as to the intervals 
which they have given between certain events, and yet wrong in 
regard to the Olympic years in which they placed those events in 
their chronological systems, and doubtless it was this that led Plutarch 
to say, " It is difficult to collect the times accurately, and especially 
those which are deduced from the Olympiads," and this should be 
especially borne in mind by chronologists now in their endeavours 
rightly to distinguish between the right and wrong traditions which 
have been handed down, and oftentimes by the same writer and in 
the same sentences. 



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160 Correspondence. [October, 

In your page 413, Dr. Hincks also says, " Mr. Parker cites a 
great number of writers ; but of these very few, when correctly 
quoted and properly interpreted, will be found to favour his views. 
Of the few that do so, it may suffice to say, that they are mis- 
taken. Their evidence is perfectly worthless when weighed against 
that which I have adduced in favour of the common chronology." 
My work on Chronology extends to 820 pages in octavo, in addition 
to an Extended Table in folio. In this Table I give a line for a year 
and authority for every date, from the birth of Abraham a.m. 1948 
to the first of Q-ordian a.m. 4381, a.d. 238, and in some pages there 
are not less than twenty columns. To have done this I must neces- 
sarily have cited a great number of writers, and I am quite willing 
to have my treatment of the quotations from them, which Dr. Hincks 
has criticized, taken as specimens of the manner in which I have 
quoted and interpreted the others, and also taken as a guide, for the 
judgment of your readers as to the probability that the very many, 
among whom I have shewn a most extraordinary concurrence, could 
possibly have been all mistaken. 

I must now turn to the evidence adduced by Dr. Hincks in favour 
of the common chronology. I. The eclipses of Thucydides. II. The 
eclipses of Ptolemy. III. The Metonic cycle, and the Calippic 
period. 

I. As to the eclipses of Thucydides. — These are said by Thucy- 
dides to have occurred in certain years of the Peloponnesian war. 
As I have already noticed, according to the united testimony of 
Lysias, Demosthenes, and the Arundel Marble, the war could not 
have taken place in the years commonly assigned to it ; but I must 
add a few words. 

In reference to the Marble date for Euctemon the archon, in the 
twenty-fourth year of the war, Dr. Hincks says in your page 414, 
"I do not think that Mr. Parker has proved that 147 is a better read- 
ing than 144 ; but I have no interest in the question. That the 
sculptor of the Marble has made mistakes I have no doubt ; and I 
suspect that the copyist made others. Which of them made the 
mistake in this instance is of no importance whatever. It is certain, 
however, that one or other of them nas done so. If 144 were not the 
date on the Marble, it ought to have been so." 

After this fashion any testimony may be set aside; but I 
must not be turned from the point, as it is one of great interest, 
when the date of the Peloponnesian war is at issue. I doubt not 
that your readers will decide that I have already clearly proved that 
147 is the proper reading for this date, and this would give 144 for 
the end of the war. 

Demosthenes (Orat. ix.; Phil, iii., 116) says to the Athenians, 
"You held the sovereignty of Greece seventy-three years." This 
sovereignty may well be considered as having begun from the year 
of the battle of Plataea, when the Athenians gained the victory over 
the Persians, in the archonship of Xantippus, and as having ended 
at the year of the battle of jftgospotamos, when the Athenian fleet 



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1864.] The Archona of Demosthenes. 161 

was destroyed by Lysander, the Lacedemonian commander, in the 
archonship of Alexias. The Marble places Xantippus in its 216th 
year, and seventy-three years reckoned from this would reach the 
end of number 143 (the archonship of Callias on the Marble) ; and, 
according to Diodorus, Alexias was the next archon to Callias, and 
so 142 would be his year on the Marble. Diodorus also agrees ex- 
actly with the Marble, as to the interval between Xantippus and 
Alexias ; and as Callias, the next before Alexias, was 143, Euctemon 
could not have been 144, because Antigenes was between them, ac- 
cording to Diodorus, as well as according to the Marble. 

With this singular confirmation of Demosthenes and Diodorus of 
144 not being the right reading for the date of Euctemon, I dare 
not doubt, on the united testimony of Lysias, Demosthenes, and the 
Marble, that the Peloponnesian war must have been, at the least, 
three years before the date assigned to it by Diodorus and the com- 
mon chronology. This would, of course, decide that the eclipse of 
the moon, of the 28th Aug. b.c. 413, could not have been the eclipse 
in the nineteenth year of the war to which Thucydides refers. - But, 
in your p. 412, Dr. Hincks says, "In that year (b.c. 413), 28th 
August, the moon was totally eclipsed ; but it is certain that three 
years before, or twenty-one years before, she could not have been 
eclipsed at all." 

As I have noticed in my Chronology, p. 781, Suidas states that 
the first Olympiad was 460 years after the taking of Troy, and I have 
interpreted this as being exclusive of the first year of the first Olym- 
piad, and have thus regarded the 494th year of the Marble as the 
first Olympic year ; but, if I had interpreted the 460 years as inclu- 
sive of the first Olympic year, then the 495th year of the Marble 
would be the first Olympic year ; the 147th year of the Marble era, 
the archonship of Euctemon, and the twenty-fourth year of the war, 
would be 88 01. 1, b.c. 428, instead of 87 01. 4, B.C. 429, and the 
Ljneteenth year of the war would be B.C. 433, instead of B.C. 434 : 
aid IS Art de Verif. les Dates gives an eclipse of the moon on Sep- 
tember 8, b.c. 433. The eighth year of the war, in which, according 
to Thucydides, there was an eclipse of the sun, would be B.C. 444. 
In this year, according to the Table, there was an eclipse of the sun 
30th April. The supposed eclipse was 21st March, B.C. 424. The 
first year of the war, in which, according to Thucydides, there was 
also an eclipse of the sun, would be B.C. 451, and in this year there 
was an eclipse of the sun, according to the Table, on the 20th March. 
The supposed eclipse was 3rd August, b.c. 431. 

As to how far these several eclipses may be sustained, it will be 
for astronomers to decide, when they shall have agreed amongst 
themselves as to the elements to be employed in the calculation. 

II. I now turn to the eclipses of Ptolemy. In reference to the 
archonships of Phanostratus and Menauder having been in 383-382 
B.c, as determined by the three eclipses of the moon, which are said, 
in the Almagest of Ptolemy, to have occurred in their archonships, 
Dr. Hincks, in your p. 410, says : "Against this Mr. Parker can find 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. M 



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162 Correspondence, [October, 

nothing to say ; but he throws some dust in the eyes of the ignorant 
by talking of the discord among astronomers as to the eclipse of 
Thales, and of Professor Adams' discovery that there was an error in 
the calculation previously made of the quantity of the moon's accele- 
ration ; — all which is absolutely beside the question. No astronomer 
has ever doubted that the three eclipses, recorded as having occurred 
in the archonship of Phanostratus and his successor, occurred on the 
days above mentioned. I challenge Mr. Parker to produce a single 
one of his ' astronomical friends ' who will commit himself to the 
opinion that these facts admit of rational doubt ; or that any uncer- 
tainty, which has ever been supposed to exist, as to the amount of 
the moon's acceleration, could have the slightest bearing on the 
question." I trust I have too great regard for my hands to defile 
them by the throwing of dust, and so the fear of the imputation 
need not deter me from producing some more words from my astro- 
nomical friend. I suspect, too, that they will be regarded by some 
as being something more than small dust in the balance. On the 
20th August, 1858, my friend writes : " He (Professor Adams) 
makes the secular acceleration of the moon's motion less, by nearly 
half, than the received value. I have gone through all the nineteen 
eclipses of Ptolemy, and it is certain that to diminish the secular 
acceleration by one half would utterly overthrow all the system of 
these Ptolemeans. Some of the eclipses might bear it, but the ' set ' 
would be destroyed. I send you Ptolemy's statements, and my 
results. On the whole I cannot see how to disturb them." On 
the 18th March, 1861, my friend writes: "As I have already set 
forth, there is something yet to be discovered before we can calculate 
our old eclipses consistently with each other, and with the new 
value of the acceleration." On the 22nd January, 1863, my friend 
writes : " I imagine the astronomers have somewhat lost confidence 
in the exactness of their calculations of ancient eclipses by reason 
of the uncertainty of the secular acceleration. The discoveries of 
Adams have made me irresolute in affirming the certainty of our pre- 
sent determinations. He leaves us in a ' regular mess ' (1 think), and 
plainly says, ' Your value of the acceleration is too large — in the pro- 
portion of 3 to 5.' " Nor need I condescend to throw dust in the 
eyes of the ignorant. The unmeasured language which Dr. Hincks 
has allowed himself to use towards Mr. Airy must have opened their 
eyes so fully, as to see plainly that the calculation of very distant 
eclipses must be a matter of great uncertainty ; or, how could such 
great men as Dr. Hincks and Mr. Airy be at issue in respect to it. 
If such an astronomer as Mr. Airy can (I will not say write, but) be 
charged by such an astronomer as Dr. HinckB with writing an absurd 
or inconclusive paper on the calculation of an eclipse, common sense 
must tell us that there must be something very inconclusive in the 
elements to be employed, and surely the ignorant in astronomy may 
reasonably expect the learned to be thoroughly agreed amongst them- 
selves as to the elements to be employed in their calculations before 
their calculations can be received with any confidence. But the 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 163 

great objection to the eclipses of Ptolemy (I speak of the first ten, 
which are supposed to have been recorded at Babylon), and especially 
to these three which Dr. Hincks has produced, as having occurred in 
the archonships of Phanostratus and Menander, is not that there 
were not eclipses of the moon on the days and in the years to which 
these eclipses of Ptolemy are assigned, but that the years in which 
they are said to have occurred could not have been in the reigns to 
which they are assigned in Ptolemy, and that the evidence by which 
they are assigned to the reigns in which they are placed in Ptolemy 
is very far from being conclusive, and that the eclipses assigned to 
Phanostratus and Menander could not have occurred in their archon- 
ships ; that the two eclipses of 23rd December, B.C. 383, and 18th 
June, B.C. 382, could not, both of them, have been in the single 
archonship of any one, who was archon either in 383 or 382. 
Ptolemy, in his Almagest, lib. iv., c. 11, p. 105, in reference to these 
three eclipses, says, " He (Hipparchus) says that these three eclipses 
were brought from Babylon, as naving been observed there ; and that 
the first (i. e., the eighth of Ptolemy's) took place when Phanostratus 
was archon at Athens." In the same page, Ptolemy says of the ninth 
eclipse, "Again, he (Hipparchus) says that an eclipse took place 
when Phanostratus was archon at Athens." In his p. 106, Ptolemy 
savs of the tenth eclipse, " But he (Hipparchus) says that the third 
eclipse took place when Evander was archon at Athens." The tradi- 
tion is that these eclipses were observed at Babylon, and if, in the 
record of them made at Babylon at the time, the names of Phanos- 
tratus and Evander had been given, it would still be incredible that the 
eclipses actually occurred, as stated, in the archonships of Phanostratus 
and Evander. I have already suggested the great improbability that 
the name of an archon eponymus at Delphi should be given as a date 
in an Athenian court of justice ; but, much more improbable is it 
that the names of archons of Athens should be inserted in a record 
at Babylon as the dates of eclipses which were observed and recorded 
at Babylon. The conclusion is obvious. The archonships of Phanos- 
tratus and Evander must have been given as the dates at some other 
place and at some other time, and the person who substituted them 
for the dates which were given in the original records, must have 
been in error. Ptolemy gives Hipparchus as his authority ; and we 
learn from the Almagest, vii., c. 2, that Hipparchus made astrono- 
mical observations so late as the fiftieth year of the third Calippic 
period, that is, B.C. 128, 163 01. 1, that is, 196 years after the death 
of Alexander, according to Ptolemy. In his p. 102, Ptolemy says of 
his seventh eclipse, " We have taken the eclipse which was in the 
time of the first Darius, and was observed at Babylon in his thirty - 
first year." Of course, it is incredible that Darius, the son of 
Hystaspes, could have been called the first Darius before another 
Darius had come to the throne of Persia, and consequently this state- 
ment could not have been in the original record of the eclipse. In 
his p. 102, Ptolemy says of his sixth eclipse, " The second eclipse, 
which Hipparchus used, took place in the twentieth of Darius, who 

m 2 



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164 Correspondence. [October, 

came after Cambyses." Of course, it is quite improbable that it 
should have been stated in the original record of this eclipse that 
Darius came after Cambyses, even if it were true that the twentieth 
of Darius was named in it as the date. The conclusion is that the 
twentieth of Darius also is only a substitution for the original date. 
In his p. 125, Ptolemy says of his fifth eclipse, " And again, in the 
seventh of Cambyses, which is the 225th year from Nabonasarus, 
from the seventeenth to the eighteenth in the Egyptian Phamenoth, 
one hour before midnight the moon was eclipsed at Babylon." As 
we learn that Darius, who came after Cambyses, took Babylon a 
second time after it had been previously taken by Cyrus, and that he 
levelled the walls and took away the gates, neither of which things 
Cyrus had done before, it is not at all probable that an astronomer 
at Babylon should give the reign of Cambyses as the date of an 
eclipse which he had observed there. The conclusion is that this, 
like all the other preceding dates which are given by Ptolemy, are 
only substitutions tor other dates in the original records. Nor does 
Ptolemy give Hipparchus as the authority for the dates of his fifth, 
sixth, and seventh eclipses. Thus, he merely says of his sixth eclipse, 
"The second eclipse, which Hipparchus used, took place in the 
twentieth of Darius." We may, however, concede that these dates 
were also given by Hipparchus ; but Lysias lived in the time of the 
Peloponnesian war ; Demosthenes, in the time of Philip ; and the 
author of the Arundel Marble lived about 150 years before the time 
of Hipparchus ; and by each of these I prove most conclusively that 
neither the archonships of Phanostratus and Menander, nor the 
reigns of Cambyses and Darius, could have been in the years B.C. in 
which these eclipses of Ptolemy, that are respectively assigned to 
them, are said to nave occurred. 

I now turn to the Metonic cycle and Calippic period. In your 
Journal (p. 411) Dr. Hincks says, " The archon before Pythodorus 
was Apseudes. In his archonship, Meton, having discovered the 
cycle of nineteen years which bears his name, procured a law at 
Athens that his arrangement of the calendar, in respect to intercalary 
years and exemptile days, should commence at the new moon follow- 
ing the summer solstice of that year. Accordingly, the next year, 
when Pythodorus was archon, was the first year of the Metonic 
cycle. It was also a year in which the Olympic games were cele- 
brated, because the Metonic cycle was proclaimed at the games which 
immediately followed its commencement. The archonship of Pytho- 
dorus had, therefore, two characteristics ; it was the first year of an 
Olympiad and the first year of a Metonic cycle. Now, it is notorious 
that the year which began in the summer of 432 had these two 
characteristics, and that neither that which began in 435 northat 
which began in 453 had either the one or the other of them. Mr. 
Parker has not ventured to say a single word in reply to this argu- 
ment, which I brought forward in ray former paper, although it is 
absolutely conclusive." 

In your page 412, Dr. Hincks also says, " Again, Aristarchus 



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1864. J The Archons of Demosthenes. 165 

(cited by Ptolemy in his Almagest, pp. 162, 163) says, that he 
observed the summer solstice at the end of the fiftieth year of the 
first Calippic period, being the forty-fourth year from the death of 
Alexander, that is, in June 280, as all must admit ; and he says that 
this was 152 years after the observation of the solstice by Meton in 
the archonship of Apseudes, in the morning of the twenty-first of 
Phamenoth, that is, on the 27th of June, 432. Mr. Parker, strangely 
enough, overlooks this testimony of a writer who lived nearer to the 
time of which he speaks than any of those whom he cites, and who 
had doubtless obtained the best evidence which was then available on 
the subject. If this single evidence stood alone it would, in my 
judgment, outweigh all the evidence on which Mr. Parker relies." 

I must first notice the extraordinary manner in which Dr. Hincks 
here contradicts himself. He says that the observation of the sol- 
stice by Meton was in the archonship of Apseudes, 27th of June, 
432. This plainly places the beginning; of the cycle in the archon- 
ship of Apseudes ; but Dr. Hincks also says that the next year, 
when Pythodorus was archon, was the first year of the Metonic 
cycle, feut how could the cycle begin in the archonship of Ap- 
seudes, and also in the archonship of Pythodorus, in the following 
year? 

Further, if the year in which Pythodorus was archon was the 
first year of an Olympiad, and if B.C. 432 was the first year of an 
Olympiad, Pythodorus must have been archon in 432. How then 
could 432 be the year in which Apseudes was archon ? It may be 
that I can explain the origin of this strange confusion by shewing 
that, according to Diodorus, the summer solstice of 432 B.C. was in 
the archonship of Pythodorus, but that, according to Ptolemy, it was 
in the archonship of Apseudes. Happily, I have not overlooked the 
testimony of Ptolemy in this matter, and shall produce from my 
Chronology (p. 369) an extract, giving the words of Ptolemy as 
translated by myself, " In lib. iii., 2, p. 63, Ptolemy says that the 
summer solstice was observed in the time of Meton and Euctemon, 
and he adds, * This is recorded to have taken place in the morning of 
the twenty-first of the Egyptian Phamenoth, when Apseudes was 
archon at Athens,' ... * and there are from the said recorded summer 
solstice in the time of Apseudes to the one observed in the time of 
Aristarchus, in the fiftieth year of the first Calippic period, 152 years, 
as Hipparchus says (kojOw? xal 6 *\Tnrapxo? 07<x*V), and the said 
fiftieth year was forty-four years from the death of Alexander.' " 
Also " In his Almagest (iii., 8, p. 79) Ptolemy says, ' From the reign 
of Nabonasarus to the death of Alexander there were 424 years, and 
from the death of Alexander to the reign of Augustus there were 
294 years.' " Thus, according to these words of Ptolemy, the state- 
ment, that the fiftieth year of the first Calippic period was 152 years 
after the archonship of Apseudes, came from Hipparchus and not 
Aristarchus. Dr. Hincks says plainly that it came from Aristarchus, 
and surely this misrepresentation is quite unpardonable, — more so 
than his failing to calculate that the interval Detween 19 01. 3 and 



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166 Correspondence. [October, 

250 01. 1, and also between a.m. 4801 and a.m. 5723, was 923, and . 
not 903 years, as stated in Syncellus. Here we have the express 
statement, "as Hipparchus says ;" nor does Ptolemy represent Aris- 
tarchus as saying anything at all in this passage. Thus, the state- 
ment, whatever be its value, rests only on the authority of Hippar- 
chus, who took observations 196 years after the death of Alexander, 
and 152 years after the observation of Aristarchus. 

First, then, the 152 years to the fiftieth year of the first Calippic 
period, i. e., the forty-fourth year from the death of Alexander, are to 
be reckoned from the summer solstice in the archonship of Apseudes. 
By the death of Alexander, Ptolemy, as we have just seen, must 
mean the 424th year of the era of Nabonasar. In his Almagest (lib. 
iv., c. 11) he gives the date of his eleventh eclipse of the moon as 
the 547th year of this era. This is fixed to be 201 b.c. by an eclipse 
of the moon, which took place b.c. 201, September 22. This would 
place the death of Alexander in the 424th year of the era in b.c. 
324. This would place the observation of Aristarchus, forty-four 
years afterwards, in b.c. 280, as held by Dr. Hincks, and this 
would place the observation of the summer solstice by Meton, in 
the archonship of Apseudes, in b.c 432. This is clearly to be 
deduced from Ptolemy's Almagest. 

But Diodorus (xii. 37) says, " When Pythodorus was archon at 
Athens., the Eleians celebrated the 87th Olympiad." In his c. 36 
(the annals of the preceding Olympic year), Diodorus says, " When 
Apseudes was archon at Athens, Meton published his cycle of nine- 
teen years, taking its beginning from the thirteenth day of the Athe- 
nian month Scirophorion (5th of June) ." Thus, according to Diodorus 
also, the cycle began from the summer solstice, in the archonship of 
Apseudes, who immediately preceded Pythodorus. But what is the 
date b.c. of 87 01. 1, in which Diodorus places the archonship of 
Pythodorus ? Censorinus (De Die Natali, c. 21) says, " This year is 
the consulship of Ulpius and Pontianus, and the 1014th year from 
the first Olympiad, but reckoned from the days of summer on which 
the Olympic game is celebrated." Censorinus also calls the year the 
986th year of the era of Nabonasar and the 562nd year from the 
death of Alexander. This clearly places the 1014th Olympic year 
(254 01. 2) in a.d. 238, and here it is placed by Blair. Censorinus 
also fixes this date by several other marks, which I have also shewn to 
be true in the Extended Table of my chronology. This may mean 
either that the 1014th Olympic year was completed, or that it only 
began in a.d. 238. If the former was the meaning, the first Olympic 
year must have begun in the summer of 777 B.C. ; but if the latter 
be its meaning, the first Olympic year must have begun in the 
summer of 776 b.c, that is to say, there must have been 776 Olympic 
years (the 776th begun, but not ended) before the Christian era, 
a.d. 1. I shall assume this to be the meaning of Censorinus. Now 
87 01. 1 (the archonship of Pythodorus) must have been the 345th 
Olympic year. Hence there must have been 344 Olympic years 
before it, and the Olympic year (87 01. 1), in which Pythodorus was 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 167 

archon, must therefore have been s the Olympic year which hegan in 
the summer of B.C. 432, and here it is placed by Blair. Thus I have 
shewn that, according to Diodorus, the summer solstice of b.o. 432 
was in the archonship of Pvthodorus, but that, according to Ptolemy, 
it was in the archonship of Apseudes. If, however, the first Olympic 
year began in the summer of B.C. 777, then 87 01. 1 must have 
begun in the summer of B.C. 433 ; but I presume no one will con- 
tend for this. Further ; Ptolemy, in his iv. 11, places the archonship 
of Menander in the 367th year of Nabonasar, that is, fifty-seven 
years above his date for the death of Alexander (b.c. 324), that is, 
B.C. 381. But, according to Diodorus (xv. 20), it was in 99 01. 3, 
that is, as by our former process, b.c. 382. 

Ptolemy also places the archonship of Phanostratus, in reference 
to both of the eclipses which are said to have occurred in it, in the 
366th year of Nabonasar, that is, by our process, b.c. 382 ; but, 
according to Diodorus, it was in 99 01. 2, that is, by our process, 
b.c. 383. Thus we have Diodorus quite at variance with Ptolemy. 
Further: Ptolemy (iv. 9) places the thirty-first of Darius in the 
257th year of Nabonasar, that is, 109 years above b.c. 382, his date 
for Phanostratus ; that is to say, the thirty-first of Darius must have 
been, according to Ptolemy, in B.C. 491, and the eclipse, which is 
supposed to be the one to which he referred, occurred 26th April, 
b.c 491. Also, Ptolemy places the twentieth of Darius in era 
Nab. 246, i.e., eleven years above 491, that is, B.C. 602; and the 
supposed eclipse was 19th November, B.C. 502. He places the 
seventh of Cambyses in era Nab. 225, that is, twenty-one years 
above 246, or b.c. 502, i.e., B.C. 523 ; and the supposed eclipse was 
in 16th July, B.C. 523. Thus Ptolemy is strictly consistent with 
himself, and therefore B.C. 382 must most certainly be held to be the 
year in which, according to Ptolemy, the archonship of Phano- 
stratus occurred. The eclipses which are said to have been in his 
archonship are 23rd December, b.c. 383, and 18th June, B.C. 382. 
Of course, Phanostratus would have been archon 18th June, 382 ; but 
surely it is incredible that he was also archon 23rd December, 383. 

According to Corsini (Fast. Att. y i. 11), the archontic year began 
in the month of G-amelion, that is, December or January. The month 
named by Ptolemy for the eclipse of December 23rd is Posideon, 
the attic month before Gamelion. According to Thucydides, the 
Peloponnesian war began early in the spring, two months before 
the end of the archonship of Pythodorus. Therefore his archonship 
must have begun late in the preceding spring, but before the 
summer days on which the Olympic games were celebrated; be- 
cause,- according to Diodorus, the Olympic games in that year were 
celebrated in his archonship. Further : if Phanostratus was archon 
for the year B.C. 383, he must have been archon for the summer of 
B.C. 383 ; and how can we believe that he was also in office on 18th 
June, 382 ? In like manner, b.c. 381 must, as we have seen, have 
been the year, according to Ptolemy, for the archonship of Me- 
nander; and how can we believe that he was also arcnon 12th 



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168 Correspondence. [October, 

December, B.C. 382, in which the eclipse which is assigned to him 
occurred? 

Further : we have seen Ptolemy placing the death of Alexander 
in e.n. 424, B.C. 324 ; but, I believe, no doubt exists that he did not die 
before the spring of B.C. 323 ; and this makes it quite improbable 
that Aristarchus, who lived at the time, should have stated that the 
fiftieth year of the first Calippic period was forty-four years from 
the death of Alexander ; and Dr. Hincks should be more careful in 
his statements, as the testimony of Aristarchus upon the subject 
must have carried a weight which does not belong to Hipparchus, 
when compared with the early testimonies that I have produced. 

It sometimes happens that a witness, produced by an unskilful 
advocate, on cross-examination overthrows the cause which he was 
called on to support. So it is with the Metonic cycle. The investi- 
gation into which it has led us has shewn that Ptolemy and Diodorus 
are at issue, not only with respect to the archonships of Apseudes 
and Pythodorus, but also with respect to the archonships of rhanos- 
tratus and Menander. 

According to Ptolemy, the interval between the summer solstice 
in the archonship of Apseudes, and the summer solstice in the forty- 
fourth year after the death of Alexander, was only 152 years ; but, 
according to Diodorus, it must have been 153 years. Both cannot 
be right ; but both may be wrong. If Ptolemy be right as to the 
archonships of Pythodorus and Apseudes, Dr. Hincks would have the 
Metonic cycle in his favour ; but, then, the plain inference would be 
that Diodorus must be wrong as to all the years of the Peloponnesian 
war ; for the war began in the spring at the latter end of the archon- 
ship of Pythodorus, according to Tbucydides. Thus, according to 
Diodorus, the first year of the war must have been from the spring of 

431 B.C. to the spring of 430 ; the eighth year of the war must have 
been from the spring of 424 to the spring of 423 ; and the nineteenth 
year of the war must have been from the spring of 413 to the spring 
of 412 ; but, according to Ptolemy, the first year of the war must 
have been from the spring of 430 to the spring of 429 ; the eighth 
year must have been from the spring of 423 to the spring of 422 ; 
and the nineteenth year must have been from the spring of 412 to 
the spring of 41 1. This would, of course, throw out all the eclipses, 
which are supposed to be those referred to by Thucydides. The 
depression of Apseudes, from 433 to 432, and of Pythodorus, from 

432 to 431, must necessarily depress the whole column of Diodorus' 
archons. 

Further : the consistency of Ptolemy with himself requires that 
the archonship of Phanostratus should be, as we have noticed, in 
382, instead of 383, as given by Diodorus, and the archonship of 
Menander in 381, instead of 382, as also given by Diodorus ; and this 
depression would also be required, by the depression of Apseudes 
and Pythodorus, at the head of the continuous column ; and if 
Phanostratus was archon in 382, then it is clear that the eclipse of 
22nd December, 383, could not have been in his archonship; nor 



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1864.] The Archons of Demosthenes. 169 

could the eclipse of 12th December, 382, have been in the archonship 
of Menander, if he was archon in 381. Thus, if the Metonic cycle 
be in favour of Ptolemy, it is at the expense of losing the eclipses 
both of Thucydides and of the Almagest. On the other hana, if 
Diodorus be right as to the archonships of Phanostratus and Apseudes, 
the support of the Metonic cycle would be lost, and the eclipse of 
June 12, 382 (the 9th of the Almagest) would also be disturbed. 
"We have learnt clearly from Censorinus that the Olympic games 
were celebrated in the beginning of the Olympic year, in the summer, 
and the account which Diodorus constantly gives of the first year of 
any Olympiad is, that when such an one was archon at Athens, such 
an Olympiad was celebrated ; and if Phanostratus was archon in 383, 
as Btated by Diodorus, the eclipse of 12th June, 382, could not have 
been in his archonship ; for Menander, the archon in 382, must have 
been in office at the beginning of the Olympic year, that is, in the sum- 
mer, in 382. As the Olympic year began in summer, the first half of 
each Olympic year must nave been in one Julian year, and the last half 
in another Julian year ; but when any one is Bpoken of as the archon 
of a year, it must oe held to mean the archon who was in office in the 
summer of the year when the Olympic game was celebrated. Nor 
do we see any way of escape from these conclusions. Thus, the 
account of these three eclipses is in itself incredible, by whatever 
hand the regnal dates were inserted in the records ; and thus we 
have ample ground not only for doubting the truth of the regnal 
dates which Ptolemy has assigned to all his several eclipses, but also 
for laying his whole system, as well as the chronology of Diodorus, 
open to correction by such early testimonies as I have produced. 

Further : I have already noticed that by interpreting the 460 
years, which the tradition of Suidas places between the Trojan war 
and the first Olympiad, as being inclusive, instead of exclusive, of 
the first Olympic year, the archonship of Euctemon, in the 147th 
year of the Marble era, would become 88 01. 1, i. e., B.C. 428, instead 
of 87 01. 4, b.o. 429. The further effect of this change would be 
that the archonships of Pythodorus, in whose time the war began, 
and of Diotimus, and Isarchus, and Aristophylus, and Aristomnestes, 
and Callias, would each become the first year of an Olmypiad, as 
required by Diodorus. The fourth and twelfth years of the war 
would also each become the first year of an Olympiad, as required 
by Thucydides (iii. 8, v. 49), and the variation between the common 
chronology and my own as to the interval between the end of the 
Peloponnesian war and the death of Alexander would be only twenty, 
instead of twenty-one years. Nor would my chronology be at all 
seriously affected by this change ; and, surely, it will readily be 
admitted that it is at times very difficult to decide whether a given 
interval of years is intended to be exclusive or inclusive, either of 
one, or of both, of the termini. Dr. Hincks has rightly noticed that 
I ought to have given the number of years to be introduced after 
the archonship of Agathocles, as eighteen instead of fifteen. The 
number would now be seventeen. 



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170 Correspondence. [October, 

Further : the depression of the archonslrip of Apseudes, as re- 
quired by Ptolemy, to B.C. 432, and consequently of Pythodorus to 
b.c. 431, would, according to the rule which I have established, make 
Pythodorus the 346th archon, and so he would have been the archon 
of a second and not of the first year of an Olympiad, and thus his 
year of office would want one of the characteristics which Dr. Hincks 
and Diodorus both say must have belonged to it. Thus, I have some- 
thing to say on the subject, though I did not venture (as Dr. Hincks 
says) to say a single word in my last letter in reply to his argument 
as to the Metonic cycle ; and I have much more to say in a future 
letter on the connection of the Metonic cycle with the Calippic 
period as an indispensable test of a true chronology. 

Further : the ten eclipses of Ptolemy, which are supposed to have 
been observed at Babylon, are also supposed to have occurred between 
19th March, B.C. 721, and 12th December, B.C. 382, embracing a period 
of 33%. 351<J. Ih. 30m. In my Chronology (p. 378) I give from 
L'Art de Verifier les Dates (4to, Paris, 1820), a list of ten other 
eclipses of the moon, extending from 29th March B.C. 768 to 21st 
December B.C. 429, and embracing a period of 339y. 351c?. 2h. 
Further, it will be seen that the particulars of each of my ten 
eclipses agree so nearly with the particulars of the corresponding 
eclipse, as given by Ptolemy, as to time and magnitude, that it would 
be difficult in the present state of astronomy to say whether the 
eclipses of Ptolemy should be referred to the common list or to mine. 
In this we must bear in mind that my astronomical friend has said, 
" It is certain, that to diminish the secular acceleration by one half 
would utterly overtlirow all the system of these Ptolemeans." 

Further : the chronology of the Almagest is set forth in the canon 
of Ptolemy, as given in Dodwell's Dissert. Cyprian, and Vossii's 
Citron. Sac, p. 132. In this the first of Cyrus's nine years after 
his overthrow of Babylon, is placed 215 years above the death of 
Alexander, i.e., in B.C. 538, 60 01. 3. 

I have already shewn by my illustrations in p. 154, that this posi- 
tion is utterly untenable when compared with the tradition of 
Diodorus, that the first of Deioces was in 17 01. 2. The confirma- 
tion of Diodorus by Dr. Hincks' calculation of the eclipse which 
terminated the Lydian war, has been very striking. I will now add 
its confirmation by Mr. Airy's calculation of the eclipse at Larissa. 
This, according to Mr. Airy, was in May, B.C. 557, i. e., 55 01. 4. 
This, according to the canon of Ptolemy, must have been nineteen 
years before the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus. See Fig. II. But, 
according to Diodorus and Eusebius, it was four or five years after 
his conquest of the Medes, and, according to Africanus and Eusebius, 
it was three years after his conquest of Babylon and release of the 
Jews. Cyril (cont. Julian, i., p. 13) says, " Haggai and Zacharias 
prophesied in the fifty-sixth Olympiad, when Cyrus was following up 
the Persian forces." This was in B.C. 556, a year after the Larissa 
eclipse. Xenophon (Anabasis, iii., 4, 8) says, "At the time the 
Persians were wresting the empire from the Medes, the king of the 



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1864.] Ethnography of Early Chaldea. 171 

Persians besieged Larissa, and could not take it by any means ; but 
a cloud covered the sun, and caused it to disappear until the inhabi- 
tants were seized with consternation, and thus it was taken." This 
clearly represents the progress of Persia as the universal kingdom, 
and your readers must decide whether it is not far more probable that 
this happened three years after, as my Chronology represents it, 
than that it happened nineteen years before the overthrow of Ba- 
bylon. 

This is a point to which the attention of the chronologist should 
be particularly directed. The confirmation of it by Strabo's 250 
years for the kingdom of Persia, Pliny's fiftieth Olympiad for the 
first of Cyrus, and Plutarch's sixty-two years, instead of Diodorus's 
forty- three years for Artaxerxes Mem., is quite inexplicable, except 
upon the supposition of truth ; but, perhaps, the most forcible testi- 
mony in support of it, because the least open to suspicion, is the 
nine additional archons of Demosthenes. 

Franke Parkeb. 
Lujfingcott, Devon, July 29/A, 18G4. 



ETHNOGRAPHY OF EAELY CHALDEA.— No. III. 

The name of Babylon always possesses a peculiar interest. Thither 
the Jews were led captive for seventy years, — a captivity which 
entirely changed the whole character of that people, — against it the 
chief denunciations of the Old Testament prophets were hurled, and 
with it will ever be associated the Greek fables of Semiramis. These 
last seem to have been founded on a confusion of the leader of the 
Casdim dynasty with " Tsammuramat the queen," whom Rim-zallus 
III. calls "his wife" (nin-su). Now an inscription of Khammurabi, 
written phonetically in the ordinary Semitic Assyrian, and now in 
the Museum of Paris, records the construction by that king of the 
Nahar -Khammurabi for the people of Babylon and Accad. This 
canal, still known under the name of Nahr-Melik, was by classical 
authors ascribed to Semiramis, who, we may infer from a fragment of 
Berosus, headed his fifth (Assyrian) dynasty (cir. B.C. 1270). The 
mistake of making Semiramis a woman may have arisen, (1) because, 
according to M. Me*nant's translation, Khammurabi states that he 
gave to a high tower built in the mouth of the canal " the name of 
the mother that bare " him, and (2) because of the introduction of the 
later Tsammuramat into the legend. The change of hh to s(h) must 
be explained on the same principle as the converse change of s(h) to 
kh, as in Shamash and Khons and Xo^affprjXo^ etc. Khammurabi 
was evidently the first of his dynasty, as he does not give his father 
the title of king, and by the side of the above-mentioned inscription of 
his we have another dedicated to the goddess Bi on a black stone, the 
language of which is Janban, shewing that Semitic had not yet be- 



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172 Correspondence. [October, 

come the recognized tongue of the country. His Assyrian extrac- 
tion is confirmed by some copper rings found at Kalwadha, which 
read, " the palace of Khammurabi the king," the usual Assyrian 
formula. Moreover, as far as we can gather from the mutilated 
inscription on the cylinder of Nabonidus, Khammurabi and another 
king, * * * na-Samas, restored the temple of the Sun (ei Parra) at 
Senkereh seven hundred years before the time of Nabonidus, and a 
brick from this temple records the restoration by " Khammurabi, the 
powerful king, king of Babylon, king of the four races," in which it 
is interesting to observe that the word for " I built," is banuv, from 
the Semitic root n:n. This banuv is again found on a brick legend of 
Tsin-shada, who would therefore seem to have been a monarch of 
Casdim origin.* 1 In the same dynasty we must place Nara'am-Tsin, 
Merodach-namana, and Merodach-iddin-akhi with his father, Irba- 
Merodach, and son, Merodach-sapiq-ziri.* It is noticeable that these 
alone of the Janban rulers call themselves kings of "Babylon," 
with the exception of Burna-buriyas and Im-dhur, a brick legend of 
which last, found by Sir R. K. Porter at Hymar, differs much from 
those of other Chaldean monarchs ; whence Sir H. Bawlinson con- 
jectures that he belonged to the Arabian dynasty of Berosus, the 
Canaanites of Kuthaml. The evidence for the priority of Burna- 
buriyas to Khammurabi is complete. Nabonidus, in his cylinder, 
says, " Bit- Parra, which Burna-buriyas, an ancient king, my prede- 
cessor, built, . . . but did not finish," and then after some obliterated 
lines goes on to speak of Khammurabi. Now Burna-buriyas, as we 
find from a recently-examined tablet in the British Museum,* left 
two sons, the elder of whom, Kara-khar-das, was slain, and the throne 
usurped by Nazi-bugas. His younger brother, Curi-galtsu, however, 
aided by Assur-utila, king of Assyria, succeeded in killing the 
usurper and recovering his kingdom. This monarch, who styles 
himself "the obedient (?) servant of Inu (Bel), the powerful king, 
king of Cingi-Accad and of the four races," restored the Temple of 
Ulmis, and lived, according to the dynastic tablet, some centuries 
before Merodach-iddin-akhi, whose date is fixed by Sennacherib 418 
years before his conquest of Babylon, i.e., cir. B.C. 1120. The 
Casdim occupation, then, must have happened previously to this 

« In my first letter I included Libitti and Ismi-Dagon in this dynasty, deriv- 
ing their names from pb and row ; but as it is absurd to suppose that any king 
was ever called " Brick-work," so the name of Ismi-Dagon's son, Gungunuv, 
precludes a Semitic origin. Ismi-Dagon, if indeed this be the true reading, 
may have been named after some king of Assyria who had married into the 
Janban royal family, as we learn Assur-utila did ; and there was an Ismi-Dagon 
patezi, or " ruler," of Assyria, the father of Samas-Rira, who built Bit-Khamri 
and the great temple of Anu and Rim at Assur (Kileh-Shergat), seven hundred 
and one years before the time of Tigiath Pileser I. (t. c, cir. b.c. 1830). It is 
noticeable that the same title of palezi is assumed by Lig-* *, the first Janban 
monarch of whom we find record, and by Sacat-tur-ka (" the head son of the 
two gates "), to whom belongs the black granite statue found by Mr. Loftus at 
Ham mam. 

* See AthetUBum, August 22nd, 1863. ' Ibid. 



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1864.] Ethnography of Early Chaldea. 173 

period, as is evidenced by the Semitic name of the king, and by a 
black atone record of his, relating the appointment of certain officers 
at Babylon in the first year of his reign." 

Babylon was first made the capital of the kingdom by this 
dynasty, and this will explain the myth of its foundation and adorn- 
ment by Semiramis, who, as we have seen, was primarily Khammurabi. 
It had, however, been in existence some time before, and seems to 
have been built in the age of Burna-buriyas, when it first appears 
among the royal titles. At all events it was unknown to the earliest 
princes with whom we are acquainted, but its Janban origin is proved 
by the manner in which its name is usually written. Not only has it 
the affix ct t but also the name of the god involved in it is Janban. 
The first component is the ideograph of " gate," in Janban ka 9 and 
translated by the Semitic bab. This is followed by the D. P. of 
divinity and the syllable ra, e which together read, in Janban, dingir 
(" a god," compare Basque jainko) and were, therefore, replaced by the 
Semitic il (b«). In the same way all the chief cities of Babylonia 
were given Semitic glosses by the Casdim colonists ; e. a., the primi- 
tive capital Mu-uru(ci) ("the moon city"), the modern Mugheir, was 
designated Huri. This Sir H. Bawlinson formerly attempted to 
identify with the tw of Genesis/ but the history of Abraham necessi- 
tates our fixing the latter place in the north, somewhere near 
Kharran ; and, moreover, -rw is from the Assyrian root avar ("to 
see"). Sir H. Bawlinson has himself lately pointed out that the 
true Hebrew equivalent of Huri is in. 

Babylon, then, we must presume, was founded cir. B.C. 1500. Its 
name, " Gtate of the god," was perhaps derived from some temple 
which originally stood there. The town on the opposite side of the 
river, which Nebuchadnezzar afterwards joined to Bab-il, was known 
by the name of Din-Tir(ci), and was, perhaps, the most ancient of 
the two. At any rate, Nabonidus calls (Nahurum-Tsin ?),* and 
Pacu-rattuq, who preceded Curi-galtsu, kings of Din-Tir-(ci). This 
may, however, have merely been the substitution of a later mode of 

4 That the later Semitic Babylonian was, however, by no means yet pre- 
valent throughout the country is evidenced by a contract-cylinder, describing 
the exchange of property by certain private individuals, dated in the reign of 
" Merodach-iddin-akhi, the bead king," and recently brought to the British 
Museum, which contains a large preponderance of Janban over Semitic words, 
such as, e. g., sac-ci and gal-lu (col. 1., lines 8, 33). 

* A syllabary translates ra by rabatuv, the Hebrew ran. It seems to have 
formed the superlative in Janban. Thus, Anu- * • -Im and Gungunuv call Nin 
ged-raj " the very great." Curi-galtsu again adds it to the epithet eicu, which 
appears alone on Tsin-dhur-nabi's brick. 

/ The appellation Casdim might easily have been applied to any " conquering" 
Semitic nation, wherever it might be. It may, however, have been a later gloss, 
when *w had become identified with a Babylonian city during the captivity 
(cfer. Joseph. Antiq., i. 7, 2, etc.) ; but it is noticeable that the expression, " U r 
of the Casdim," is only found in the Jehovistic portions of Genesis. 

* Read by Sir H. Rawlinson Naram-Sin, who identified him with the 
Nard'am- Tain, whose name is found on an alabaster vase obtained by the French 
commissioner. But I very much doubt the accuracy of this reading. The 



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174 Co)re8pondence. [October, 

speaking for the proper titles ; and we do not meet with "Din-Tir(ci)" 
prior to the reign of Irba-Merodach, the father of Merodach-iddin- 
akhi, who, on a duck-weight found by Mr. Layard, calls himself 
"king of Din-Tir(ci)." This name also is Janban. A syllabary gives 
din translated by balatuv, which in Assyrian signifies " a house " in 
both senses of the word (see J. S. L., Jan., 1862, p. 413). I do not 
know the meaning of tir ; but the whole expression IHn'Tir(ci) is 
sometimes replaced by e-ci. Now e (v), according to the syllabaries, 
answered to the Semitic ka'abu and kabu'u. The Hebrew equivalent 
is not ap ("to curse,") as Dr. Oppert supposes, but aap ("hollow"), 
whence come ap, xapoi, and mp. So in tne second epigraph of the 
Black Obelisk we read that Jehu, son of Omri, sent, among other 
articles of tribute, kabuate D.P. khurussu, "cups" or "vases of gold." 
A very frequent word in the inscriptions is an-e, signifying, as we 
learn from the Persian transcripts, " heaven," though the proper 
Assyrian nomenclature was samami (croc), which occurs on Grote- 
fend's barrel cylinder — ca'accabis samami utsahin, " like the stars of 
heaven I enriched." An-e } in Janban, would mean "the divine 
hollow," which at once reminds us of the connection between caelum 
and KoiXov, cohum (cfer. JFesttis, p. 31) and x<*° 9 or * 1 ' w « From the 
signification "vault" of heaven, an-e came to be applied to the 
" dome " of a building, and so Sargon, in the description of his palace, 
speaks of isda-su-ina ra'adi tiq an-e, " its grove in the gallery outside 
the dome." To return from this digression. E-ci would be " the 
hollow place," and perhaps referred to some reservoir made there at 
an early period. It is curious that instead of " Babylon " we occa- 
sionally find the monogram for " gate " followed by the symbol of 
duality, as if the two towns on each side of the river, viz., Bab-il 
and Din-Tir(ci), were the " gates " of something. Perhaps, they 
denoted " flood-gates," for from the earliest times that part of the 
country was intersected by a multitude of canals and other works of 
irrigation, in order to equalize the annual overflow on each bank. 
Around these flood-gates two towns would naturally spring up, 
which, under the fostering hand of the Assyrian dynasties, developed 
into that mighty city known so well to us from the descriptions of 
sacred and profane writers. It is remarkable that while Nebuchad- 
nezzar calls himself "king of Bab-il," Nergal-sarru-uzur (Neriglissar), 
and Nabu-nahit A (Nabonidus), style themselves kings of "Din- 
Tir(ci)." It was, at all events, under these princes that Babylon was 
raised to the zenith of its glory. Nebuchadnezzar continued the 

second character in Assyrian certainly has the value of ra'ahmu (" a guide ") ; 
but I think this was an actpiired value, taken from the similarity of sound in 
the Janban pronunciation of the word, just as the sign, which had in the ancient 
language the value of isip, was afterwards used by the Assyrians as a mono- 
gram for their root vsib (" to dwell "). 

* Nahit or na'ahdu is the Semitic equivalent of im tuq, with which it is some- 
times interchanged in the name of Nabonidus. Dr. Hincks has pointed out 
(/. S. L., Jan., 1862, p. 403) that tuq in Janban = *' habet ;" and im, replaced in 
Assyrian by Wm, has primarily the sense of " exaltation," and hence of "bright- 



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1864.] Ethnography of Early Chaldea. 175 

works begun by his father Nabopolassar, dug canals, lined the banks 
of the Euphrates with brick, constructed a huge reservoir, built a 
palace and a fortress, threw bridges across the river, and erected 
innumerable temples. To him too the Birs-Nimrud owes its origiu. 
This temple, dedicated to the seven spheres, he calls " the treasury 
(zigurrat) of Borsippa." It had been begun by " a former king," 
who "had built it up (utsakhiru) forty-two ammas" (seventy-one 
feet). The completion of it was left to Nebuchadnezzar, who painted 
each tier according to the colour attributed to its guardian planet, 
the summit being afterwards vitrified by fire. Before the decipher- 
ment of the cuneiform this ruin was supposed to represent the tower 
of Babel. 

The other chief cities of ancient Babylonia, according to Sir H. 
Rawlinson's identifications, were "the moon-city," Huri, at Mugheir; 
"the city" (uru-ci), Huruq, at Warka; Sepharvaim, the two Sipparae, 
on each side of the river, at Mosaib; 1 "the sun-city " (Par-uru-ci, or 
Sin-kur~ci, whence tww), at Senkereh ; Cutha or Tiggaba, the city of 
Nergal, at Ibrahim ; Calneh (Cai-anu) or Nipur, " the city of Bel " 
(hence Bilua, BtXprj), at Niifer; Ahi at Hit; and Dur-aba at 
Akkerkuf. Of these Mugheir was the capital when the earliest 
monarchs of whom we know anything were ruling, but the primeval 
head-city seems to have been Senkereh, or, as the copies of Berosus 
have it, Larancha. From it all the neighbouring country was called 
Shin'ar, and Genesis x. 10 shews its great priority to the other cities 
there mentioned, these having been all built "in the land of Shin'ar." 
Babel, indeed, as we have seen, was not founded before the fifteenth 
century B.C.; but Calneh and Erech were of a very much higher 
antiquity. And we may, therefore, presume that " the city of the 
Bun" was the first colony of the Janban emigrants, reared long before 
the dawn of history or even of tradition. Here was the kingdom of 
Amraphel, who with his three confederates, Tidal, "king of nations" 
(i.e., the Kiprat-arbat), Chedor-laomer (Kuduri-Lagamir), "king of 
Elam " or Nummi, and Arioch, king of Assyria, reduced Palestine. 
That Arioch was an Assyrian prince is nearly certain. Ellasar is 
undoubtedly a corrupt reading, and its attempted identification with 
Larsa is impossible. We may feel pretty sure that the name ought 
to be "wjHbn, as, indeed, the Jerusalem Targum has it. Resen, again 
(Gen. x. 12), is proved by cuneiform research to be an old mistake 
introduced by some copyist who had in his mind the town of Besaina, 
near the sources of the Khabour. We ought to read Tel-Assur (" the 
mound of Assur,") which appears in the Targums of Jonathan and 
Jerusalem. This is the Assur of the inscriptions, the primeval 

ness." So na'ahdu is applied not only to the reigning monarch, but also to iron 
and water. The character having the phonetic power of am bears also in 
Assyrian the value of rem (dnt>) in its meaning of " wild bull ;" and these two 
signs are occasionally confounded. 

4 Sippara in cuneiform is written Zi-par, i. e., " place of the sun." Zi is of 
constant occurrence on the Janban bricks, and the syllabaries explain it by 
garnu (pa, not pp, as am-zi would suggest). 



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176 Correspondence. [October, 

capital, which, as the spelling shews, had been built by the Turanian 
aborigines before the days of Semitic ascendancy/ It is possible 
that Iri-amtuq, perhaps pronounced Iri-avvuq, a patezi of Assur, 
bears the same name as -pn«. The latter, however, more probably 
contains Semitic elements. At the same time I am somewhat doubtful 
whether the Shin'ar of Gen. xiv. 1 is to be considered Chaldea, or 
whether it be not rather the district round Singara and Singaras 
Mons, between the Chaboras and the Mygdonius (the Khabur and 
Hermas of the inscriptions). This, at all events, is the Saenhar, 
whence, according to the papyri, horses, cattle, and a drink called 
nekfitaru, were brought to Egypt. And it must be remembered that 
the invaders, according to Genesis, descended from the north, pene- 
trated as far as El-paran, and then returned along the western Dank 
of the Jordan. They had reached Dan before Abram and his allies 
surprised them in a night attack, when laden with spoil. They had 
most probably, therefore, pursued the same route as did the Assyrian 
kings afterwards, viz., that leading from Nineveh to Carchemish, the 
chief city of the Hittites, and turning through Damascus and 
Hamath to Lebanon and the Mediterranean; and, indeed, the Janban 
name Kharran (" the road ") takes us back to a pre-Semitic epoch. 
Now, had Amraphel governed in Chaldea, it is difficult to understand 
how he could have been powerful enough to accompany his forces 
first to Mesopotamia, and then across the desert to Syria and Pales- 
tine, and yet at the same time should have been subject to Elam 
(Gen. xiv. 4, 5). Besides, the dominion of Sinkereh had waned 
before the second millennium B.C., when we find Lig, * * and his son 
Elgi ruling at Huri. And before the rise of Huri, Gen. x. 10 would 
imply that Calneh and Erech had been the seats of power, which is 
supported by the meaning of the native name of Erech, " the city." 
So that the supremacy of Sinkereh must be placed at a very remote 
era, which would, of course, be inconsistent with the age of 
Abraham. 

But this is a point which can only be cleared up when the 
numerous clav tablets, still lying in the cellars of the British 
Museum, shall have been thoroughly cleaned and examined. With- 
out doubt this will require time, nevertheless, considering the great 
results gained during the last fifteen years, we may well believe that 
it will not be long ere we gain as complete a knowledge of the history 
of Assyria and Babylonia as was possessed by the literati of Essar- 
Haddon's court. 
Bath. A. Satce. 

PS. — I find I have unwittingly made a slip of the pen in my 
last letter. It is not Nebo that is called " the son of Bit-zirra," but 
the god Ussur or Nin-ip (cfer. Micheaud's Stone, col. iv., 1. i.). 

J The name A-sur literally signifies "water-bank," from the Janban <z, 
"water" (Assyrian f»ic, o*o), and usar, "bank" or "border" (Assyrian sittuv, 

rrro). 



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1864.] Note on Romans viii. 17, 18. 177 

NOTE ON EOMANS VIII. 17, 18. 

The words which in these verses are rendered " suffering with," and 
"sufferings," implying, in their common acceptation, states of afflic- 
tion, certainly have not in the original that restricted meaning, 
although, as it would , seem, our commentators have always been 
content so to receive them. 

These words are derived from iraaxw, to experience — or be subject 
to, some particular condition ; and, as it is allowable, so it seems to 
be most reasonable, and most in accordance with the immediate con- 
text, and, at the same time, not inconsistent with Scriptural truth, 
that both words should be understood in a larger sense than is 
usually given to them, and that thus the expression " suffering with," 
should be taken to mean a state of communion with ; and that the 
word which in the eighteenth verse is rendered " sufferings," should 
be understood to mean the actual condition of the person spoken of, 
but not necessarily a state of pain or affliction. 

It is by no means immaterial to a right understanding of this 
passage to observe, that when the Apostle would describe a state of 
suffering in the popular meaning of the word, he usually adoptB the 
word G\t\lri*, " tribulation," as in the thirty-fifth verse of this chapter; 
and that, although he occasionally uses the word iraOrjfia to denote a 
state of affliction, he sometimes also uses it to describe a condition in 
which affliction was not present (as in Gal. v. 24, " have crucified the 
flesh with the affections") ; and further, that, when he would describe 
a community ofaffliction — a partaking of pain and grief (as in 2 Tim. 
i. 8), he uses another word than <n>iiwaax w — namely, cv^KOKowaOius * 
certainly a far more appropriate word to designate a fellowship in 
affliction. In the Epistle to the Hebrews the Bame condition is 
represented by the word avyicaKovxdo/iai. 

Judged by the context, it seems far more reasonable to believe 
that St. Paul in the seventeenth verse alluded to a communion with 
Christ, a fellowship with Him generally, rather than in affliction only. 
In the preceding passages not one word occurs in which any con- 
dition of pain or sorrow is expressed or implied. He speaks of the 
believers whom he addressed as having the indwelling of the Spirit, 
as bein^ the sons of God, the •children of God, heirs of God, and 
joint-heirs with Christ. The whole passage is jubilant, and the 
notion of lamentation is excluded, unless it is to be found in the 
seventeenth and eighteenth verses. 

But, further; it appears to be hardly consistent with the tenor of 
Scripture to believe that the Apostle intended to represent the par- 
ticipation of believers in their Lord's sufferings as a condition of 
their glorification. Scripture, indeed, abundantly teaches that it is 
bv reason of Christ's sufferingy&r them that His followers are to be 
glorified with Him ; but the same result is never attributed to their 
suffering with Him / nor can it in any sense be said that such a 
participation, either as regards the conditions of time, or place, or 
character, or degree, is possible. Truly, " He has borne our griefs, 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. N 



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178 Correspondence. [October, 

and carried our sorrows ;" but the most devoted of His disciples 
could never partake of, nor even comprehend in the slightest degree, 
the nature of that mysterious agony which, in the garden, drew from 
Him the prayer, " Ii it be possible, let this cup pass from me ;" and 
wrung from Him, in His dying moments, the piteous cry, " My God! 
my God ! Why hast thou forsaken me?" 

It may indeed be said, that, in a certain qualified sense, He 
suffered with us ; but that is quite consistent with the proposition 
that we do not suffer with Him. When He deigned to take our 
nature upon Him, He became " a man of sorrows, and acquainted 
with grief.' ' Affliction of some kind or other is incident to the 
human race, and those trials which believers endure, they endure in 
common with their fellow-men, whether believers or unbelievers. A 
condition of affliction is not therefore to be regarded (as has some- 
times been pretended by those who would tain exalt their own 
humility), either as peculiar to the Christian profession, or a con- 
dition of the believer's glorification. 

Again, St. Paul never assumed, nor could assume, to judge better 
or other than our Lord Himself of that which constituted the glori- 
fication of His followers. The Gospel which he preached was not 
received of man, but by revelation of Him. And what was that 
teaching ? If we consider those passages in St. John's Gospel in 
which He Himself described His own mission, and its influence upon 
His followers, we find no expression implying that it was by reason 
of any participation in His sorrows that they were to be glorified 
with Him. It was because they were living branches of the true 
vine; because they believed in God; because the Spirit of God 
dwelt in them ; because they had been given to Him of His Father. 
It is true, He reminds them that they will have to suffer hate and 
persecution for His sake ; but it is not on this ground that He rests 
their claim to be with Him, and to behold His glory. Their trials 
and afflictions were to be the consequence of their communion with 
Him, and not its cause. He does not pray for them, on the ground 
that they have suffered, or shall suffer with Him, but in those 
wondrous words, which no one should attempt to paraphrase, He 
said, " I pray for them. I pray not for the world, but for them which 
Thou hast given me ; for they are Thine, and all Mine are Thine, and 
Thine are Mine, and I am glorified in them." 

But another and conclusive reason that the Apostle did not here 
mean to describe a state of affliction may be found in the construc- 
tion of the eighteenth verse. He is there speaking of two condi- 
tions, one of which, he says, is so much more excellent than the 
other, that it is not to be compared with it — non aquiparanda — 
not to be weighed in the same scales. But like is only comparable 
with like — similia cum similibus ; and no intelligent author would 
think of instituting a comparison between things utterly dissimilar. 
Suffering, in the sense of affliction, is the very opposite condition to 
that Btate of glory of which the Apostle speaks, and therefore is not 
capable of comparison with it. The comparison which he meant to 



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1864.] Eber and the Children of Eber. 179 

institute was one between the Church militant and the Church tri- 
umphant; between faith and hope (not suffering) — represented at 
the earnest expectation of the creature — and that glory in which they 
were to be absorbed and lost hereafter. 

This view of the passage seems both to explain, and be explained 
by, the twentieth verse, and to go far to remove the difficulties which 
have been felt in that passage — a passage which Professor Moses 
Stuart has justly described as one or the loci vexatissimi. St. Paul 
says that the conditions of the present time are not worthy to be 
compared with those of the time to come. But why ? The answer 
follows :—for, or because, the creature, — the human and rational 
creature, was made subject to frailty or vanity, and so remains. But 
a condition of frailty or vanity, although an inferior condition, iB not 
a condition of pain and sorrow, nor is it to be looked upon as a con- 
dition of degradation; for, on the contrary, the Apostle expressly 
says that it was so constituted by Him who subjected it in hope. 
When thiB passage is read aright, do we not get a glimpse'of a most 
important truth, one which has hitherto been obscured by the long- 
enduring dogmas of the scholastic divinity ? Do we not learn that 
a condition of frailty is the designed and normal condition of our 
race, rather than the result of an action which was but the manifes- 
tation of that condition, and that what has been so long taught to 
the contrary, is both opposed to reason and unwarranted by Scrip- 
ture ? that it is as impossible for the creature to be perfect, as it is 
for the Creator to be imperfect — that our moral and spiritual exist- 
ences (like all material existences) are made up of a constant series 
or system of wants and supplies ? We want, in order that He may 
give ; and He gives because we need. Thus the want and the supply 
are both of His ordaining, and those relations are established between 
Him and His creatures which alone are able to ensure their obedi- 
ence, and consequent happiness — and accomplish those ends which 
Divine benevolence designed to accomplish in the moral government 
of the world. 

J. W. F. 



EBER AND THE CHILDEEN OF EBEE. 

Iff Genesis x. 21, we read in the common version, " Unto Shem also, 
the father of all the children of Eber, the brother of Japheth the 
elder, even to him were children born." It is plain that Shem could 
be " the father of all the children of Eber," his great-grandson, only 
by a figure of speech. Shem had five sons, Elam, Asshur, Arphaxad, 
Lud, and Aram. The third son, Arphaxad, had one son, Salah, or 
Shelah, and Shelah was the father of Eber. We should expect that 
the phrase, " all the children (or sons) of Eber," would be literally 
intended, and if so, it would include the sons of both Joktan and 
Peleg. The Joktanides are enumerated in Genesis x. 26 — 30, and 
comprise Almodad, Shelepb, Hazarmaveth, Jerah, Hadoram, TJzal, 

n 2 



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180 Correspondence. [October, 

Diklah, Obal, Abimael, Sheba, Ophir, Havilah, and Jobab. Curiously 
enough, the other branch of the children of Eber (that of Peleg) is 
omitted from this list, but in the next chapter we have it so far as 
necessary to shew the descent of Abraham, with the omission of the 
names not involved in that descent. Eber, Peleg, Ben, Serug, Nahor, 
Terah, and Abraham, are all mentioned, but, of five generations, only 
the names of five persons are given us ; with the general, but vague, 
intimation, in most cases, that there were other sons and daughters. 
A comparison of the two lists will shew that at first we have more 
names of the Joktan branch of the children of Eber than of the 
Peleg branch, of which Abram sprang. After Abram's time, the 
contrary is the case. As a matter of fact, therefore, we do not know 
how many tribes or families had a right to be called " children of 
Eber." Subsequently the name Hebrew, which has the same radical 
elements as Eber, was applied first to Abraham, and then to Buch of 
his descendants as were in the line of Jacob. The resemblance of 
the two w\>rds, Eber and Hebrew nx$ and *■$», and the circumstance 
that the Hebrews descended from Eber, have led many to think that 
the phrase, " all the children of Eber," is the same as " Hebrews," 
and was given by anticipation to them. The only objection I shall 
urge against this identification is that the Hebrews did not constitute 
all the children of Eber, and were, in fact, but a very small part of 
them, as any one may see who looks at the list of Joktanides, and 
thinks of the descendants of Ishmael and Esau, who were equally the 
children of Eber. 

There is an instance in which Eber is generally thought to mean 
the Hebrew land or nation, and at the same time to confirm the sup- 
position that " all the children of Eber " means the Hebrews. I 
shall try to shew that this is quite a misconception, and in pointing 
out the quarter to which I look for an explanation, I shall add one 
to the names of nations to be looked for in the Bible. The reference 
is to Numb. xxiv. 24, where Balaam, the Midianite, is concluding his 
prophecy. In our version, the verse runs thus : — " And ships- (shall 
come) from the coast of Chittim, and shall afflict Asshur, and shall 
afflict Eber, and he also shall perish for ever." The difficulty of this 
passage is great, for whether Chittim is Cyprus, or Italy, or the isles 
of the Mediterranean, it is hard to see how they could reach Asshur 
or Assyria. The ancient versions differ much. The Vulgate says, 
" They shall come in trieremes from Italy, and shall conquer the 
Assyrians, and devastate the Hebrews, and, at last, shall also perish 
themselves." The LXX. says: "He shall come forth from the 
Cittiaeans, and they shall afflict the Assyrians, and shall afflict the 
Hebrews, and shall themselves perish together." The Samaritan is : 
" He shall take them from the hand of the Chittim ; they shall 
afflict Asshur, and they shall afflict Heber, and also himself, until he 
perish." The Arabic is : " And they who steal away from the port 
of Cyprus shall afflict the Musolaeans and Hebrews, shall themselves 
also come to destruction." The Syriac is : " Legions shall go forth 
from the land of the Chittim, and shall subjugate Asshur, and shall 



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1864.] Lamentations iv. 20 in the Latin Vulgate. 181 

subjugate the Hebrews, and, at last, they shall themselves perish 
for ever." The Targum of Onkelos has, " beyond the Euphrates " 
(mp}$) for Eber. The other Targums vary in a more extraordinary 
manner. For Eber, that of Jonathan has " All the children of Eber," 
evidently from Gen. x. 21 ; but that of Jerusalem has, " All the 
children of (the land) beyond the river." 

Leaving all these, only remarking that the Targums all agree in 
not identifving Eber with the Hebrews, we ask, what does Eber 
mean ? Observe ; Eber is associated with Asshur, not only in the 
expression of the prophet, but in the very thing predicted : — Asshur 
and Eber will both be afflicted by a common enemy. We cannot 
identify them, for the same verb is repeated, — shall afflict Asshur, 
and sJutll afflict Eber. We, therefore, conclude that two nations or 
countries lying near to one another are meant ; that, in short, a 
nation called Eber was known to Balaam. Where was this nation ? 
It is difficult to say, but at that time it may have been in the very 
region from which Abram the Hebrew or Eberite came ; for many of 
the children of Eber undoubtedly occupied the countries between the 
Caspian Sea and the Euphrates, that is, to the north of Asshur. 
Perhaps, 2,000 years after Abraham, we find the name borne by a 
province and a people to the north-east of Mount Ararat, where the 
name lingered on down to the times of Greek and Roman writers. 
Iberia, and the Iberi or Iberians, are mentioned by Strabo, Ptolemy, 
Plutarch, and others. At one time, the name may have extended 
much further, but in it I find the JEber, which is mentioned by 
Balaam, along with Asshur, and, like it, probably owing its name to 
one of those heads of nations who are mentioned in the tenth of 
Genesis. C. 



LAMENTATIONS IV. 20 IN THE LATIN VULGATE. 

This verse is thus translated, " Spiritus oris nostri Christus Dominus 
captus est in peccatis nostris : Cui diximus, In umbra tua vivemus in 
Gentibus." The Douay version is, "The breath of our mouth, 
Christ the Lord, is taken in our sins, to whom we said, Under thy 
shadow we shall live among the Gentiles." The English version 
gives us, " The breath of our nostrils, the anointed of the Lord, was 
taken in their pits, of whom we said," etc. An older version for pits 
reads nets, which is not so exact. It is clear that Jerome understood 
the Messiah-Jehovah to be Christ, and the whole verse to be a pro- 
phecy ; but it is not easy to see how he could translate " is taken in 
our sins" the words which so manifestly signify " in their pits" The 
original allusion seems to be to the King of Judah — the Lord's 
anointed, who was regarded as the appointed protector of the people, 
but had fallen into the pits of their enemies. The LXX. reads very 
much as Jerome in the first part, wevfia irpoowirov rjfiwv Xpitrrbs Kvpios, 
etc., " The spirit of our face Christ the Lord," or "the anointed Lord," 
" was taken in their corruptions," etc. Can the version of Jerome 
here claim the indulgence even of honest error ? B. 



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182 Correspondence. [October, 

THE SIN OF THE ANGELS.— JUDE 6. 

It has been of late rather frequently asserted that there is in Jude 6, 7, 
an implied reference to what is recorded in Gen. vi. 2 ; and that the 
writer of the Epistle designed to point to fornication, or unlawful inter- 
course with women, as being the sin of the angels of whom he speaks, 
these being identified with " the sons of God " of Genesis. Against 
this view of Jude 6, 7 the context furnishes, as it appears to me, a 
very weighty argument. This argument is, however, one which has 
not been, so far as I know, previously adduced. We have in Jude 7 
three instances of punishment being inflicted on transgressors, (1) on 
the unbelieving Israelites, (2) on the angels, (3) on the cities of the 
plain. We have also mentioned in Jude 8 three sins, of which the 
persons against whom the Epistle was directed are represented as 
guilty, (1) oapica fkialvovoiv, "they defile the flesh ;" (2) Kvpiorrjra 
aOerovffiv, "they spurn authority ;" (3) Sofa? pXafftprjfjLovmv, "they 
speak evil of glories." The question may not unnaturally suggest 
itself, Is there any relation between these three sins and the three 
instances of transgression mentioned just before? Strong reasons may, 
I think, be seen for concluding that there is such a relation, and that 
the three particulars of verse 8 refer back in inverted order to the three 
classes of transgressors of 5 — 7. That there is a reference to the 
third of the one series, the cities of the plain ; in theirs* of the other 
oapica fuaivovfftv, " they defile the flesh," is sufficiently obvious. It 
may not be quite so clear at first sight that the words Sof av /3\a<x0if- 
fwvffiv, " they speak evil of glories," refer to the sin of the Israelites. 
But the supposition that there is such a reference may suggest a reason 
for the use of that remarkable word oofa?, " glories." In the desert 
the presence of Jehovah with his people was manifested in the Soga 
tcvpiov, "the glory of the Lord." The mysterious pillar guided them 
in their journeying. And as the Israelites murmured against the Lord 
who brought them out of Egypt, it might be not unnaturally stated 
that they spoke evil of the glory of the Lord. We come now to the 
second member of each series ; and if the view above given is correct, 
the words Kvptoir\ta aOeiovotv, " they spurn authority," must refer to 
the sin of the angels of verse 6. To exhibit the reference there is no 
necessity for twisting the word apxriv into any unprecedented sense. 
The parallel may be shewn at once, if we translate, as we may legiti- 
mately and naturally, " angels who regarded not the government over 
them. ' A similar rendering of the words a^ekov* Tom prj rtfp^aayra9 
rrjv iatnwv ap\i\v has been, I believe, before proposed ; and no valid 
objection can, I think, be brought against the rendering just given. 
The sin of the angels of Jude 6 is thus insubordination, and not 
unlawful intercourse with women. The probability that apxrj in our 
passage denotes ruling angels, or the government over angels, may, 
perhaps, appear the greater if the use of the word in Eph. iii. 10, 
Horn. viii. 38, and some other passages is taken into account. 

An additional argument in favour of the view which I have given 



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1864.] The Preposition « h>." 188 

of Jude 5 — 8, is famished by the ofiol^ and ical of verse 8. The *a<, 
it would seem, mast look back to a previous mention of those who had 
committed such transgressions as the persons against whom the Epistle 
was directed also had committed. The reference of the kqI cannot be 
merely to verse 7 and the cities of the plain ; for, whatever may be 
thought about the Kvptdrtjra aOerovaiv, there would certainly not appear 
to be anything in verse 7 which corresponds to the B6( «9 p\aatt>tinovaiv, 
neither in what is said of the angels is it implied that they " spoke 
evil of glories." We are compelled to go back to what had been 
said in verse 5 of the Israelites. But if $6ga* pXcurtfirffiovatv corresponds 
to the sin of the Israelites, and oapica ptalvovaip to that of the cities of 
the plain, the conclusion appears inevitable that KvpionjTa aOerovaiv 
corresponds to the sin of the angels. 

But it may be asked, if there is in the word " glories " a reference 
to the " glory of the Lord," as manifested in the desert, how could it 
be said of any persons at the time when the Epistle was written 
that they " spoke evil of glories ?" I reply, that the " glory of the 
Lord " was a supernatural manifestation. It was not improbably closely 
connected in the view of the Israelites with " the angel of the Lord."* 
And, accordingly, the word " glories " probably refers to supernatural 
manifestations generally, and to the spiritual world, or at least to 
higher spiritual beings. In verse 10 it is said, " What things they 
know not these men speak evil of." 

In accordance with what I have said, verse 8 may be thus para- 
phrased : " Notwithstanding the signal punishment which has been 
inflicted on those guilty of such sins, these men, dreaming on, regard- 
less of the fate of their predecessors, defile the flesh, like the cities of 
the plain ; spurn authority, like the angels ; and speak evil of glories, 
like the unbelieving Israelites." 

I may add that the rovroit of verse 7, like the toi/toi* of verse 14, 
and the ovtot of verses 8, 10, 12, must refer to those against whom the 
readers of the epistle are warned. It may be reasonably concluded 
that this mode of expression results from the writer's vivid realization 
of these transgressors, and of their guilt. 

London, August 23rd, 1864. Thomas Tyler. 



THE PREPOSITION "'EN.' 



The preposition, " cV," does not always receive the attention which it 
ought to receive, or which it demands, from all readers of the Holy 
Scriptures. The translators themselves of our (for the most part) 
admirable English Version, have, in very many instances, failed to 
recognize this little word in the dignified position in which it is placed 
in the sacred Volume ; and to give it its own simple meaning, to which 
it is entitled. 

* Compare Kitto's Cydop. Bib. Lit., art. " Shekinah." 

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184 Correspondence. [October, 

My present object is, then, to call the general reader's attention to 
tbe real force of this preposition, " cV," which perhaps he often fails to 
appreciate ; and to shew that he frequently loses sight of the real sense 
of important passages in the Word of God, because our translators, 
instead of regulating their version by one uniform system of transla- 
tion, have indulged an arbitrary spirit in the meaning which they have 
been pleased, in many instances, to attach to this little word " cV." 

It is most striking, as it is blessed, to notice the very marked and 
systematic manner in which it has pleased the Holy Spirit to use this 
preposition. Time and space will permit me to call the reader's atten- 
tion to some of the passages only, where the preposition " iv " stands 
connected with the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy 
Spirit, and with other words also. 

It would probably surprise some persons if they were to see cata- 
logued the large number of instances in which the preposition " eV t " 
as applied to our Lord Jesus Christ and to the Holy Spirit, is used. 
Need I tell any that, wherever it is used as the preposition before our 
Lord's name, it declares the great fact of the indissoluble union, one- 
ness, between our Lord Jesus Christ and his believing people : their 
oneness with Him in what He is, and in what He has done and suffered 
for them in the great work of redemption ? 

Our Lord himself labours, and his apostles after him labour, to 
impress upon His people that their being one with him is not a mere 
expression or an idea, but a great reality, a great fact ; and this pre- 
position a eV is that which makes the union a fact; and it is also, on 
His people's part, the important link by which they realize ^the fact. 

The personal Christ i3 not merely the glorious object for the be- 
liever to look at and gaze upon, but to exist in, to walk in, to labour 
and fight in, to live upon day by day, and he does all this by being tin 
Christ " Abide in me, and I in you. As the branch cannot bear 
fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine ; no more can ye, except ye 
abide in me. He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth 
forth much fruit : for without me ye can do nothing. If a man abide 
not in me, he is cast forth as a branch, and is withered " (John xv. 
4 — 6). "We, being many, are one body in Christ" (Rom. xii. 5). 
u We are members of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones " (Eph. 
v. 30). " We are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus unto good 
works, which God hath before ordaiued that we should walk in them " 
(Eph. ii. 10). " I can do all things in Christ, which strengthened me " 
(Philip, iv. 13). "He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, 
dwelleth in me" (John vi. 56). How does the believer eat Christ's 
flesh, and drink his blood ? By being in Him. Such an one does not 
eat and drink simply in a spiritual sense. It is a veritable eating, and 
a veritable drinking, of Christ's body and blood. It is the believer's 
spirit feeding upon Christ the bread of life. 

Man's spirit needs daily food equally with his body. If the spirit 
of man is not fed, it will dwindle and die. The personal Christ is the 
food of roan's spirit, and it is his being " in " Christ that the feeding 



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1864.] The Preposition « iv." 185 

process goes on, and man's spirit receives its suitable nutriment : " He 
that eateth me, even he shall live by me" (John vL 57). " Now ye 
are the body of Christ, and members in particular" (1 Cor. xii. 27). 
Believers are limbs of the personal Christ, and, being in Him, partake 
of all that is in Him which is necessary for the health, the growth, and 
the perfecting of their spirits for the glory above. 

Let us notice, first of all, some of the instances where the preposi- 
tion " iv" the expressive word selected by the Holy Spirit to describe 
the oneness of Christ and his people, is rendered, in its simple and 
proper meaning, " in " by our English translators. 

Are believers special objects of God's love? It is " in " Christ that 
he loves them (Rom. viii. 39). Has God chosen his people before the 
foundation of the world to be holy ? It is " in " Christ that he has 
made the selection (Eph. i. 4). Are any begotten and born again 
to a new spiritual life through the Gospel? It is "in" Christ 
that the begetting process has taken place (1 Cor. iv. 15). Is 
the Christian believer exhorted to " walk" to conduct himself in 
accordance with his Christian profession ? It is " in " Christ that this 
active life of his spirit, of his mind, and of his body, must be carried 
on (Col. ii. 6). Is he exhorted to be strong? It is "tn " Christ that 
real and available strength can be experienced and exhibited (Eph. 
vi. 10). Is it possible for sinful man to be placed in such a position as 
to be wholly free from all condemnation ? the condemnation of God's 
broken law ? the condemnation of sin ? the condemnation of men and 
devils? Yes I And what is that position? Simply his being "in" 
Christ (Rom. viii. 1). Would he possess a righteousness (even the 
righteousness of God) which will ever render him acceptable in God's 
sight, now in his time state, and in eternity ? It is " in " Christ that 
that righteousness can be obtained (2 Cor. v. 21). Would the Christian 
believer be perfect without spot of sin, the least sin? It is "in" Christ 
that that sinless perfection can be attained (Col. i. 28 ; ii. 10). When 
such an one dies, would he die in peace with an assured hope of a 
glorious immortality? He must die "in" in the Lord (1 Thess. iv. 13; 
Rev. xiv. 13). Would he belong to that blessed company who shall 
be the first to rise from the dead ? Then he must be " in " Christ, 
for the dead " m " Christ shall rise first (1 Thess. iv. 16). Would the 
apostle Paul describe himself in connection with that mysterious and 
ecstatic state into which he found himself suddenly introduced when he 
was caught up into the third heaven, even into Paradise ? He describes 
himself in this simple, yet most significative manner, "a man in 
Christ" (2 Cor. xii. 2). When the same apostle exhorts the Christians 
at Rome to receive a spiritual sister, he exhorts them to do so "in" 
the Lord (Rom. xvi. 2). Does he speak of some who had greatly 
aided him in the cause of the Gospel? He speaks of them as his 
helpers "tn" Christ (verse 3). Does he send a salutation to Christian 
brethren who had been converted to the Christian faith long before he 
was converted to it himself? He describes them as having been " in " 
Christ before him (Rom. xvi. 7). Does he send a greeting to a par- 



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186 Correspondence. [October, 

ticular Christian whom he especially loved ? He speaks of such an 
one as beloved "in" the Lord (verse 8). Does he single oat again 
other eminent Christians who had zealously and unceasingly occupied 
themselves in the cause of the Gospel ? He speaks of two of them as 
those who labour " in " the Lord ; and of a third as one who laboured 
much "in" the Lord (verse 12). Does Paul exhort children to be 
obedient to their parents ? In his exhortation he enforces the great 
truth, that it is " in " Christ that children can render that reverence 
and obedience to them which God will be pleased with (Eph. vi. 1). 
And once more would we ourselves, as Christians, have grace given to 
us? It is " in " the beloved that grace can be conferred and received 
(Eph. i. 6). 

In these, and in various other Scriptures which might be referred 
to, the important preposition " iv " has its reed, simple, and natural 
sense, "to," given to it; and it carries with it its deep and pregnant 
meaning. The general reader cannot fail, in these and in other in- 
stances, where it is so rendered by our translators, to catch the mean- 
ing and to realize the fact. In proportion as such an one is taught of 
the Holy Spirit, in that same proportion will he be enabled to see the 
full force of the original in our vernacular Version. 

But then the question arises, Why did the translators of our English 
Bible deviate from this rule of giving the preposition " Iv " its simple 
meaning ? and by so doing, in many instances, mislead the general 
reader, and prevent his gathering the real sense of the passage ? 

Many who have never turned their attention to this point would 
hardly credit the many instances in which the preposition " iv," of the 
original Greek, is translated in our Authorized Version into " by," 
"through" "with" "at," etc., etc And not only does the word so 
rendered prevent the general reader's noticing the beautiful and syste- 
matic manner in which it has pleased the Holy Spirit to present the 
rich truth of the Gospel, as embodied in the term " in Christ," to the 
believer's mind ; but it has led many to take quite a wrong view of the 
passages altogether, and to attach a meaning to them which they do 
not bear. I trust it will not be considered tedious my giving instances 
of various passages from the Word of God, wherein the little preposi- 
tion " iv" both in reference to our Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy 
Spirit, is rendered "by," "through," "with," "at," instead of "in," 
its simple, forcible, and most significative meaning, as used in the New 
Testament. 

These prepositions will, I think, more or less, convey to the general 
reader's mind the idea of separateness from the object to which they 
are attached, rather than the most close and intimate union, oneness, 
which the word " ev " is clearly intended to express. 

Phil. iv. 13, "I can do all things 'through' Christ, which 
strengthened me." It is " in " Christ, and the power of action which 
the apostle experienced and used was Christ 1 s power, which became the 
apostle's power through his being a part of Christ. Again, Acts iv. 
10, " By " the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth ; even " by " Km 



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1864.] The Preposition « ex/." 187 

doth this man stand here before you whole. It is " in" the name, and 
44 in " this man (iv vovrw) doth this man stand here before you whole. 
I need scarcely remark that "name" is synonymous with "person;" 
as in the following instances : — 

John i. 12; iii. 18; xx. 31; etc. The worker of the miracle 
wrought it not by a power imparted to him by Christ, but by Christ's 
own power, which the former was enabled to use through his being "in" 
Christ in union with Christ. 

Acts xiii. 39, " And by him all that believe are justified from all 
things." It is "in " Him, Jesus Christ. The believer is justified "in" 
Him because Christ, the personal Christ, of whose body he is a member, 
is the believer's righteousness and redemption. 

Phil. ii. 10, "At the name of Jesus every knee should bow," etc. 
It is " in " the name of Jesus, etc. Not to mention the very singular 
error into which some persons have fallen touching the meaning of this 
Scripture, such as bowing the head when the name of Jesus is men- 
tioned, many, even commentators, evidently biassed by the English 
preposition "at" for " iv," have failed in giving the correct and most 
forcible interpretation of this passage of the Word of God. For 
instance, Thomas Scott makes the following remarks in explanation of 
this Scripture : — 

" 4 At the name of Jesus,' the name given to a poor babe born in a 
stable and laid in the manger (because that babe was Emmanuel, 'God 
with us,' that child born, that Son given, was the mighty God) every 
knee should bow in submission and adoration. That is, all rational 
creatures should either willingly adore him, or be punished as the 
enemies of God and His kingdom." 

Matthew Henry again, in his note upon this passage, expresses 
himself in the following manner : " The whole creation must be in sub- 
jection to Him : things in heaven, and things in earth, and things 
under the earth ; the inhabitants of heaven and earth, the living and 
the dead. At the name of Jesus, not at the sound of the word, but the 
authority of Jesus, all should pay a solemn homage." 

I do not deny that what is stated by these excellent commentators, 
and others, may be involved in these words ; but this passage of Scrip- 
ture, viewed in its simple and natural sense, " that in the name of 
Jesus every knee shall bow," (the name being synonymous with the 
person,) declares this glorious fact, that all adoration, all praise, all 
worship, offered up to God, must be offered up " in Christ " to render 
it acceptable : that union with Christ, being in Christ, a member of His 
mystical body, is a necessary qualification on the part of any penitent 
sinner's being accepted of God himself; or any homage, any act of 
worship of his, being accepted also. 

Col. i. 16, 17, "By Him were all things created that are in 
heaven, etc. ; and by Him all things consist." The Greek is, " in 
Him " — iv aims, iv avry. First ; we must observe here that our trans- 
lators, in translating, as they have done, the first iv, "by," have 
occasioned a tautology in verse 16 which does not exist in the original. 



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188 Correspondence. [October, 

In the last clause of verse 16, " all things were created by Hira ;" it is, 
&• axnov. A short portion of Dean Alford's note on this passage of 
Scripture I transcribe, as it gives a most satisfactory interpretation of 
it. u In Him," (as the conditional element pre-existent, and all includ- 
ing,) not " by Him," as the English version, after Chrysostom — to eV 
ovrip, &* avrov, e<ntv ; this is expressed afterwards, and is a different 
fact from the present one, though implied in it. 

Rom. v. 10. " We shall be saved by His life." It is, «« saved in 
His life/ 1 Surely the former preposition, " by" fails to convey the 
real meaning which is involved in this Scripture. Thomas Scott, in 
his note upon this passage, comments upon it thus : " If, etc, etc., 
they had been brought into a state of reconciliation and cordial peace 
with Him, by the death of His Son upon the cross, * much more ' 
would they, being thus reconciled, be preserved from falling under the 
power of sin and Satan, or finally apostatizing by His life, His inter- 
cession, authority, and omnipotent grace" 

Robert Haldane again, in his comment upon this Scripture, 
observes : " ' Saved by His life ;' the apostle is speaking of the security 
of the believer from any danger, by Christ, as alive. The meaning is, 
we sb all be saved by Him, as existing alive, or as living (Heb. vii. 
25). We need Christ raised from the dead to intercede for our daily 
transgressions, and to save us from wrath. The efficacy of the death 
and the intercession of Jesus Christ, have the same objects and the 
same extent (John xvii. 9). He intercedes for all those for whom He 
died." " Since the death of the Redeemer could produce so great an 
effect as the reconciliation to Himself of those who were enemies of the 
Most High, what room can there be to doubt that the life of Christ is 
sufficient to accomplish what is less difficult, that is to say, to obtain the 
continuation of the divine friendship and benevolence for those whose 
reconciliation has been already purchased at a price of such infinite 
cost ?" 

Great and blessed truths are here declared by these excellent 
commentators ; but, surely, they neither of them give the correct 
interpretation of this Scripture. " Saved in His life." What is sal- 
vation ? It is life in the highest sense of this significative and glorious 
word. If man is saved, man's spirit lives again. It is sin which has 
put to death man's spirit. Death from man's spirit has been removed 
by Jesus Christ's death. The true believer's spirit is now saved, 
because it lives again : life is salvation. And what is the true believer's 
life f Christ ! Christ's life. " Christ who is our life." (Col. iii. 4.) 
" God hath given to us eternal life, and this life is in his Son. He 
that hath the Son, hath life" (1 John v. 11, 12.) The true 
believer is saved, not simply because Jesus Christ has died for him, 
nor because he has risen again ; both these great works were abso- 
lutely necessary for man's salvation, and man could never have been 
saved unless they had both been accomplished; but the believer is 
actually saved in Christ's life, because the believer, being a member of 
Christ's mystical body, Christ's life is the believer's life, in consequence 



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1864.] The Preposition " iv." 189 

of his being a member of Christ's body, and the believer lives in 
Christ* s life. It is not merely that Jesus Christ has purchased life for 
the believer, nor that He sustains life in him, after that it has been 
given ; but Jesus Christ's own veritable life is the believer's life, and he 
is " saved in His life." And what is more : as the believer's life is 
not a distinct life of his own, but the life of another, even Jesus Christ's 
life, he can never lose that life as Adam lost his life. It is secured to 
him in Christ, and as Christ lives, so he must live for ever and ever. 

But I am exceeding proper limits in making these comments. I 
must now only refer the general reader to a few other passages in 
the New Testament, where the word "cV," is translated "by," or 
44 through," and thus the important theological meaning which that 
preposition carries with it is lost sight of. " Justified by Christ." 
?Gal. ii. 17.) 4< Unto Him be glory in the church, by Christ Jesus." 
(Eph. Hi. 21.) 44 The grace of God, which is given by Jesus Christ, 
that in everything ye are enriched by Him." (1 Cor. i. 4, 5.) " Jus- 
tified by his blood." (Rom. v. 9.) 4t Enter into the holiest by the 
blood of Jesus." (Heb. x. 19.) il Thou hast redeemed us to God by 
thy blood." (Rev. v. 9.) 44 Called us to eternal glory by Christ Jesus." 
(1 Pet. v. 10.) " Taught by Him." (Eph. iv. 21.) Through.— 
44 Blessing of Abraham came on the Gentiles through Jesus Christ." 
(Gal. iii. 14.) " Eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord." (Rom. 
vi. 23.) " Alive unto God through Jesus Christ our Lord." (vi. 11.) 

It is u iv " (in) in every one of these passages, where it is trans- 
lated "by," and "through;" and whilst I forbear quoting more, I 
cannot resist, before I bring these remarks to a close, selecting a few 
of the many passages of Scripture, where the little but all important 
preposition 4< iv " (in), as joined to the Holy Spirit, is also rendered 
by the translators of the Authorized Version " by " and " through." I 
shall not comment upon them, but leave the reader himself to see what 
preciousness is bound up in the word "in," in connection with the 
Holy Spirit. 

In each of the following passages, where the preposition "by," 
or " whereby," or "through" is used, it is in the Greek u iv" (in). 
44 By one Spirit." (1 Cor. xii. 13.) 44 The Holy Spirit of God whereby 
(Greek, " in whom ") ye are sealed," etc. (Eph. iv. 30.) " Access by 
one Spirit," etc. (Eph. ii. 18.) 44 Faith by the same Spirit." (1 Cor. 
xii. 9.) 44 An habitation of God through the Spirit." (Eph. ii. 22.) 
44 Chosen you to salvation through sanctification of the Spirit." (2 Thess. 
ii. 13.) 44 Speaking by the Spirit of God." (1 Cor. xii. 3.) 

And it is not only when joined to Jesus Christ, and to the Holy 
Spirit, that in the Authorized Version the preposition 44 eV " (m) is 
variously translated ; but in other instances also, where it stands con- 
nected with other words, it is rendered "by," "through," "with," 
"for," " to," and "into." " Through (iv) the righteousness of God," 
etc. (2 Pet. i. 1.) " Justified by (iv) the law," etc. (Acts xiii. 39.) 
" Gift by grace." (Roman v. 15.) " Let your speech be alwavs with 
grace," (Col. iv. 6.) "Good hope through grace." (2 Thess. ii. 16.) 



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190 Correspondence. [October, 

" Girt about with (iv) truth." (Epb. vi. 14.) " With (iv) the prepara- 
tion of the Gospel of grace." (vi. 15.) " Live by (iv) the faith of the 
Son of God." (Gal. ii. 20.) " Spake in time past unto the Father by (iv) 
the prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us by (iv) His Son." 
(Heb. i. 1, 2.) "Heaped treasure together for (iv) the last days." 
(James v. 3.) " Add to (iv) your faith virtue, and to (iv) virtue 
knowledge ; and to (iv) knowledge, temperance ; and to (iv) temper- 
ance, patience ; and to (iv) patience, godliness ; and to (iv) godliness, 
brotherly kindness ; and to (iv) brotherly kindness, charity.' 1 (2 Pet. i. 
5 — 7.) "Lord, remember me when thou comest into (iv) thy king- 
dom." (Luke xxiii. 42.) 

This variable rendering of the preposition "eV" is certainly strange ; 
and the simple and unbiassed reader of the Greek Testament, even though 
he may make no profession of Greek scholarship, cannot fail to be 
struck with such a changeable rendering of a word which, when taken 
in its plain and simple sense, is taken in its proper sense; and, being 
so taken, in many passages of Scripture conveys a meaning which is 
deep, and rick, and soul -satisfying, to the contemplative mind. 

I am aware how very meagre and imperfect these observations are ; 
and if the man of learning and profound criticism should chance to 
glance his eye over this paper, and estimate it at a low rate, I would 
ask such an one to take up the subject himself (for it is an important 
one), and, with a master mind, to fathom its depths, and, with lucid 
language, to describe its glories. 

A preposition so systematically employed by the Holy Ghost, and 
standing connected, as it does, with Jesus Christ aud with the Holy and 
Eternal Spirit, and used to declare the intimate and mysterious union 
which exists between the penitent believer and Deity, which make such 
an one a partaker of the Divine nature (2 Peter i. 4), grafts him into 
Christ, and gives him the assurance that he moves about as a member of 
Christ's body, that he acts, and thinks, and speaks, and lives, not simply 
as one whom the Beloved gives grace to, to carry out these duties, but 
that he acts, thinks, speaks, and lives, as " in " the Beloved himself: 
such a preposition as this, claims the attention of the most profound 
critics, and the most spiritually-minded scholars, in order that persons 
so eminently qualified may describe the fulness of meaning which it 
bears, for the edification of less gifted persons : and it claims the 
attention also of the humblest reader of God's Word, whose duty it is 
to spell out something of its deep and mysterious import for himself. 
In the contemplation of what is involved in the preposition " iv," in 
its simple sense and in its deep meaning, how much is there to engage 
the thought, to elevate the mind, and to absorb the whole inner man of 
the true believer. It opens before him a vast expanse of glory, which 
man's spirit may constantly gaze upon with rapture, but the limits of 
which it will never reach. Its immensity of meaning, as it is so often 
set before us in the New Testament, forms one great feature of its 
preciousness. We reflect, and reflect upon it again and again, and it 
ever opens before us fresh glories, which will be seen in all their per- 



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1864.] Egyptian Dynasties of Manet ho. 191 

fection only in the world above. Bat the glimpses we get of them 
here cheer and comfort us in our pilgrimage state ; and we do well in 
attempting (feeble though our attempt may be) to draw others' atten- 
tion to them, that they may be cheered and comforted also. 

W. R. Coxwell Rogers. 
Dowdeswell Rectory, Gloucestershire, July 4$, 1864. 



EGYPTIAN DYNASTIES OF MANETHO. 

• 
Allow me to offer a few remarks in reply to Dr. Hincks' paper on 
the " Egyptian Dynasties of Mauetho," which appeared in the Journal 
of last January, and in which he has called in question my arrange- 
ment of the reigns of the kings of the twenty-fifth dynasty, in con- 
nection with the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. Dr. Hincks has 
there and elsewhere proclaimed himself the champion of the commonly 
received chronology of those times, as arranged by Ussher and the 
many eminent chronologists who have followed him, and supports his 
cause with great learning and ability : while, on the other hand, I have 
contended, and still contend, that Ussher's reckoning throughout the 
times of the Jewish monarchy is in error to the extent of between twenty 
and thirty years. I have been lately occupied in preparing for publica- 
tion in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society a paper shewing how 
the Assyrian canon of Sir Henry Rawlinson proves, beyond question, 
that the Hebrew reckoning of Ussher, in the times of Tiglath-pileser, 
S argon, and Sennacherib, is in excess to the extent of twenty-three or 
twenty-four years, and how Dr. Hincks, in his endeavour to escape 
from the evidence of this invaluable record, is compelled, as it were 
in despair, to suggest that four Assyrian scribes, who have each given 
independent copies of the canon (one of them writing in the reign of 
Sennacherib), have ignorantly omitted about thirty names from the list 
of Assyrian archons, which, if inserted, would produce harmony 
between his reckoning and that of the canon. Few, it may be 
assumed, will be disposed to acquiesce in such a mode of treating 
the adverse evidence of an ancient document: and Sir Henry 
Rawlinson denies that there is the slightest foundation for this 
assumption. The presumption is, that i£ according to the Assyrian 
canon, Ussher's reckoning is in excess twenty-three or twenty-four 
years in the days of Ahaz and Hezekiah, the contemporaries of 
Sargon and Sennacherib, his reckoning must also be in error to the 
same extent in the reign of Jehoiakim, the contemporary of Nebu- 
chadnezzar. I have therefore endeavoured to shew that the battle of 
Carchemish, which was fought in the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, 
and in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, when the army of Necho II., king 
of Egypt, was destroyed, was fought, not in the year b.c. 604, as 
Dr. Hincks and most other chronologists suppose, but in the year 
b.c. 583, soon after the eclipse of Thales, which governs the date of 



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192 Correspondence. [October, 

the event, and in accordance with the reckoning of Demetrius, who 
places the accession of Nebuchadnezzar at that time ; and this I have 
made the fundamental date of my whole system. 1 But if Necho II. 
was alive till the year B.C. 583, then, according to the proposed reckoning, 
would Psammuthus, the successor of Necho, appear to have reigned five 
years, till the year 578; A pries, or Pharoah Hophra, to have reigned 
nineteen years, till 559 ; and Amasis, the successor of Apries, who was 
conquered by Cambyses, or at any rate succeeded by him, to have 
reigned forty-four years, till the year B.C. 515, that is to say, till ten 
years after the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. Now Dr. Hincks, 
with his usual acuteness, fixes upon this result as untenable ; and I am 
willing to confess that he has exposed the weak point in my arrange- 
ment, and that it must be abandoned. 

I have already pointed how much Herodotus and Ctesias differ in 
their accounts of the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses — how Manetho, 
the Egyptian priest, was the fittest person to decide between the two 
historians on Egyptian matters — and how Manetho, who complains 
much of the errors of Herodotus, has decided in favour of Ctesias, by 
assigning six years instead of three to the reign of Cambyses in 
Egypt, which accords also with the reckoning of the Parian chronicle. 
I have also observed that the Apis buried in the fourth of Cambyses, 
and the Apis born in the fifth of Cambyses, were buried and born, not 
in the fourth and fifth years of his reign at Babylon, but in the years 
so counted from his conquest of Egypt. To all this I still firmly 
adhere. But, having appealed to Manetho as the fittest referee on 
Egyptian matters, I am bound by his decision in favour of Herodotus 
as regards the reign of Amasis. Now Manetho, as copied by Africanus, 
certainly assigns forty-four years to the reign of Amasis, and six 
months to Psammecherites, before the conquest of Cambyses. So that 
if Egypt were conquered in b.c. 325, upon which all are agreed, Amasis 
must have begun to reign in the year b.c. 569 : and this is the date of 
his first year, according to Dr. Hincks. 

Having thus, in deference to Dr. Hincks, pleaded guilty to an error 
in my own scheme, and corrected it, I proceed to point out the weak 
point in the scheme of Dr. Hincks. No one is better aware than 
Dr. Hincks that his date, B.C. 594, for the death of Necho II. is 
untenable, if the Astronomer Royal has proved that the eclipse of 
Thales should be placed, as it was placed in ancient days, in the year 
B.C. 585. This result of modern astronomical science is, after fifteen 
years' discussion, now generally admitted. Dr. Hincks, however, is 
still unconvinced, and loudly demands that Hansen's Lunar and Solar 
Tables, which confirm Mr. Airy's calculations, should be tested by 
certain lunar eclipses of ancient days, the times of which have been 
recorded : while Mr. Airy, who has tested his reckoning by recorded 
total eclipses of the sun, replies that every solar eclipse is at least fifty 
times as valuable as any lunar eclipse ; and every total eclipse of the 

1 Transaction* of the Chronological Institute, vol. ii., part iii., p. 16. 



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1864.] Egyptian Dynasties of Manet ho. 193 

sun is at least ten times as valuable as any other eclipse of the sun, as 
a test of these tables : and that to put the calculations to the test of 
lunar eclipses, would be much like testing the scales of the Bank of 
England by some coalheavers' machine. This, then, is the weak point 
of Dr. Hincks' arrangement; and, until he shall have succeeded in 
setting aside the calculations of modern astronomy, which are in unison 
with the records of ancient history, we may safely place the termina- 
tion of Necho's reign not earlier than b.c. 583. 

But if Necho ceased to reign in b.c. 583, then, as before observed, 
Apries must have completed his nineteenth year in b.c. 559 ; so that, 
if Dr. Hincks is right as regards the reign of Amasis, and I am right 
as regards the reign of Necho, Amasis, whose first year we have fixed 
in b.c. 569, must have begun to reign eleven years before the death of 
Apries. Now this result, at first sight, appears to be highly impro- 
bable. But if we examine the history of the two kings, as related by 
Herodotus, and the records of the Apis tombs, and also the reckoning 
of the reign of Manetho, we shall find strong, if not decisive, reasons 
for inferring that such was the actual arrangement of those two reigns. 
In the first place, we are informed by Herodotus that, after the battle 
between Apries and Amasis, which decided the fate of the former, 
Apries " fell into the hands of his enemies, and was brought back a 
prisoner to Sais, where he was lodged in what had been his own house, 
but was now the palace of Amasis. Amasis treated him with kindness, 
and kept him in the palace for awhile."** There, then, is direct evi- 
dence that Amasis came to the throne before the death of Apries, 
though for how long a time is not stated. 

Secondly ; Africanus, in copying from Manetho, cuts out ten years 
between the first year of Necho and the first of Amasis. He deducts, 
however, from the reign of Necho, the years which we propose to 
deduct from the reign of Apries. 

Thirdly ; Herodotus relates that the cause of the invasion of Egypt 
by Cambyses was, that Amasis had sent the daughter of Apries, as a 
wife, to Cambyses, instead of his own daughter. Now, if Apries had 
died forty years before this marriage, his daughter must have been 
between forty and fifty years of age at the time, which makes the story 
highly improbable. But, if Amasis began to reign eleven years before 
the death of Apries, his daughter may, in that case, have been not more 
than thirty years of age when sent to Cambyses, which is quite within 
range of probability. But what appears to render it almost certain 
that Amasis came to the throne exactly eleven years before the death 
of Apries, is the testimony of the Apis tablets. M. Mariette has dis- 
covered a series of tombs of the sacred bulls buried at Memphis, 
through the successive reigns of Psammetichus, Necho, Psammuthis, 
Apries, Amasis, Cambyses, and Darius, each successive Apis being 
there recorded to have been born, or installed, within one or two years, 
at most, after his predecessor's death, with one single exception, con- 

"• Rawlinson'8 Herod., ii., 169. 
NEW 8EEIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. O 



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194 Correspondence. [October, 

nected with the reigns of Apries and Amasis. An Apis is recorded to 
have died in the twelfth year of Apries, that is to say, in the year b.c. 
566, according to our reckoning, and the birth of the next Apis is 
found not to have taken place till the fifth year of Amasis, that is to 
say, not till twelve years after the death of his predecessor, according 
to the reckoning of Dr. Hincks, but in the year following his death, 
b.c. 565, according to the arrangement proposed. Dr. Hincks has not 
overlooked this remarkable fact. He assumes that Apries must have 
reigned, not nineteen years, as Manetho records, but twenty-five years, 
as Herodotus affirms, and observes : u In connection with this supposed 
interval, it has occurred to me that an Apis must have died of whom 
no record is preserved. It is highly improbable that there should be 
no Apis for eleven years and a half ; but if an Apis died in the latter 
end of n. 182 (that is, in the supposed twenty-second year of Apries), 
and was buried by Apries, with dates recorded on the steles, in the 
years of his reign, the birth in his twelfth or thirteenth year, and the 
death in his twenty-third year, it seems to me highly probable that 
Amasis would destroy these records."* Here, again, is another weak 
link in Dr. Hincks' armour. Why should Amasis destroy the tomb of 
the Apis, which died in the twenty- third year of Apries, rather than 
the Apis which died in his twelfth year ? and why should he destroy 
either one or the other ? It is clearly improbable that an interval of 
eleven years and a half occurred before the birth of the successor of the 
Apis who died in the twelfth year ; and, considering that Amasis began 
to reign while Apries was still living in his palace, the natural infer- 
ence is, that the fifth year of Amasis, when Apis was born, was 
counted from the time of his taking possession of that palace, and was 
concurrent with the thirteenth year of Apries. Such is a simple solu- 
tion of the difficulty pointed out by Dr. Hincks in my former arrange- 
ment of these reigns, which has hitherto caused me much perplexity ; 
and, according to this arrangement, the Psammetichus who was born 
in the third year of Necho II., and lived seventy-one years and 
upwards, till the thirty-fifth year of Amasis, must have died in February 
b.c. 524, in the course of the first year of Cambyses in Egypt, which 
was reckoned as the thirty-fifth of Amasis by the writer of the epitaph, 
Amasis being still in bondage in Persia, according to the testimony of 
Ctesias. 

I agree with Dr. Hincks that the Parian chronicle places the end 
of the reign of Darius in the year b.c. 486, not in 489, thus giving 
thirty-one years to the reign of that king, and thus also confirming the 
testimony of Ctesias, to the rejection of that of Herodotus, as Manetho 
has also done. But when he asserts that the Apis born in the May, in 
the fifth year of Cambyses, was that which was stabbed by Cambyses 
on his return from his expedition against Ethiopia, the evidence is 
against hiin. For the Apis which was stabbed, after lingering for a 
time, died ; whereas the Apis born in the fifth year lived till the fourth 

- /. S. L., Jan., 1864, p. 450. 



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1864.] Egyptian Dynasties of Manet ho. 195 

year of Darius. Apis must have been stabbed, therefore, between 
September, in the fourth year, when the preceding Apis died, and May, 
in the fifth year, when his successor was born. Considering, also, that 
he lingered before his death, we cannot date the blow later than the 
beginning of the fifth, or end of the fourth year of Cambyses. And 
since it is highly improbable that this conquest and settlement of Egypt 
by Cambyses, the arrival of an embassy in Ethiopia and its return, 
and the return of the expedition against Ethiopia to Memphis, when 
Apis was struck by the king, should all have taken place within six or 
seven months between the end of August, b.c. 526, and February or 
March, 525, in the course of the first half of the third year of the 63rd 
Olympiad, as Dr. Hincks supposes, and in the fourth year of Cam- 
byses, counted from the death of Cyrus, it appears pretty clear that 
the fourth and fifth years of Cambyses, recorded on the Apis monu- 
ments, are not the fourth and fifth counted from Cyrus, but the fourth 
and fifth years of his reign counted from the conquest of Egypt ; in 
confirmation of which, Manetho expressly declares that the invasion of 
Egypt did not take place till the fifth year of the reign of Carobysses 
over the Persians. Dr. Hincks lays much stress on the feet that 
Herodotus lived nearer to the reign of Cambyses than Ctesias, and 
that he was, therefore, more likely to have collected the truth than the 
latter. Without admitting the full weight which is attached to the 
argument by Dr. Hincks, he will readily admit that ^Eschylus, who 
lived 6till nearer to the time of Cambyses than Herodotus, should, by 
the same reasoning, be treated as a still higher authority. Now, if we 
refer to ^Eschylus, we find that he places two kings, viz., Memphis 
and Artaphernes, between the reigns of Smerdis, or Mardos, and 
Darius. ^Eschylus, therefore, supports the arrangements of Ctesias 
rather than that of Herodotus, and is in harnjony also with the Parian 
chronicle and Manetho. There is much reason, therefore, to convict 
Herodotus of inaccuracy in his statement, even if Manetho had not 
passed adverse judgment against him in Egyptian matters, as Jose- 
phus, who had seen the work of Manetho, affirms. 

J. W. Bosanquet. 
Claysmore, August, 1864. 



o 2 

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( 196 ) [October, 



NOTICES OF BOOKS. 



Lao Tseu Tao-te-King ; le livre de la vote et de la vertu, compose 9 dans la 
6e stick avant Vhre Chritienne, par U philosophe Lao- Tseu. Tra- 
duit en Franqais, et publii avec le texte Chinois et un commentaire 
perpUuel. Par Stanislas Julien, Membre de l'lnstitut, et Pro- 
fesseur au College de France. Un vol. 8vo. Paris : Imprimerie 
Irapenale. 

The history of ancient philosophy has, within the last twenty or thirty 
years, received considerable additions ; its domains now extend over a 
far wider field than before, and the time is not far distant when the 
speculations of Hindoo and Chinese sages will be as familiar to the 
general student as are, at present, the theories of Aristotle, Plato, and 
Plotinus. Amongst the works treating of metaphysical lore in connec- 
tion with regions belonging to the far East, we would assign a very 
high place to M. Stanislas Julien's translation of the Tao-te-King ; 
and, accordingly, we purpose examining it here somewhat in detail. 
It is only fair to state, at the outset, that we labour under the disad- 
vantage of not being able to read the original, from which M. Julien 
has worked ; but, all persons who take any interest in questions refer- 
ring to linguistics are aware of the strict accuracy of that gentleman's 
translations ; and, besides, our design is to deal with points, not of 
grammar or of style, but of doctrine. 

M. Meadows, in his excellent chapters on the philosophy of the 
Chinese,* has the following remarks : — " The Chinese have acquired, 
in the course of their existence, more than one kind of philosophy, that 
is to say, there existed in China several radically different ways of 
viewing the nature of the inanimate world and of man. The principal 
of these are the Taouist, the Buddhist, and what may, in order to distin- 
guish it from the others, be called the Confucian. The Taouist is, like 
the Confucian, indigenous. Lao-Tsze, the founder of Taouism, lived 
in the sixth century before Christ. Buddhism penetrated into China 
from India in the first century after Christ. There was a long struggle 
for the mastery among6t the adherents of these three systems, a struggle 
which expressed itself in mutual proscriptions and persecutions. But 
the Confucian, which existed in China long before the others, has, since 
this rise, always succeeded in maintaining for itself the greatest ascend- 
ancy, except during some comparatively short periods, and it became 
definitively paramount fully ten centuries ago. . . The cause of the pre- 
valence of Taouism, Buddhism, and Mahommcdanism in China, in 
spite of discouragements, lies in the fact that Confucianism says little 
or nothing of a supernatural world or of a future existence. Hence it 

■ The Chinese and their Rebellions, chap, xviii., p. 826, ffwg. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 197 

leaves almost unsatisfied those ineradicable cravings of human nature 
— the desire to revere, and the longing for immortal life." In this 
quotation, we find a succinct enumeration of the chief systems that 
have obtained amongst the Chinese : Taouism is the one with which we 
have to deal on the present occasion, and we shall see how Lao-Tsze 
and his disciples attempted to solve those weighty problems altogether 
left unnoticed by Confucius. It is a singular feet that, if we believe 
M. Meadows, "all cultivated Chinese are — intellectually, at least — 
strict and conscientious atheists."* But the history of that nation is 
another proof of the truth that no system of philosophy, based upon the 
denial of the existence of God, can be thoroughly carried out. M. 
Auguste Comte himself was obliged to acknowledge this virtually in 
the last stage of his metaphysical career ; and so it is with the Chinese. 
" Theoretically," says M. Meadows, " they are atheists ; practically, 
they are pantheists, or even theists." 

We come now to the Tao-te-King itself. We may describe it as 
the collection of the thoughts of a mystic philosopher on life and on 
virtue. The author, Lao-Tsze, was born, according to the most 
authentic records, in the year 604 B.C., being the third year of the 
reign of the emperor Tching-wang, of the Tcheou dynasty. He appears 
to have occupied, at first, some office under government, but he soon 
yielded to his natural taste for study and retirement, and, seeing poli- 
tical affairs going from bad to worse, on account of the corruption of 
those in authority, he gave up his public duties. Lao-Tsze is the first 
of a series of ten philosophers, whose names M. Stanislas Julien quotes 
in his Preface, and the latest of whom flourished between 32 and 7 B.C. 
Some idea can be formed of the difficulties of every kind which the 
Tao-te-King presents when we refer to the acknowledgment made by 
M. Abel Rerausat, who, some years ago, wrote an essay on the life and 
works of Lao-Tsze, in the course of which he translated various 
extracts from the Tao-te-King : " Le livre de Lao-Tseu," said he, 
" n'est pas facile a entendre, parceque Fobscurite des matieres s'y joint 
aunesortede concision antique — a un vague qui va quelquefois jusqu'a 
rendre son style enigmatique. . . Ce serait une difficulte tres-grande s'il 
s'agissait de le traduire en en tier, et de l'eclaircir sous le rapport de la 
doctrine qu'il renferme. . . Outre l'obscurite de la mati&re en elle-m&me, 
les anciens avaient des raisons de ne pas s'expliquer plus clairement 
sur ces sortes de sujets." The most eminent native commentators of 
Lao-Tsze' s school are unanimous in declaring that the Tao-te-King is, 
in many passages, extremely hard to understand. M. Stanislas Julien, 
however, ascribes some of the mysteries which European savants have 
met with to the fanciful system of interpretation they adopted ; and, 
without wishing, in the slightest degree, to represent the Tao-te-King 
as easier than it really is, he is of opinion that by giving up the theories 
of the early Jesuit missionaries, and of M. Abel Remusat, we shall 
find ourselves on comparatively firm ground. What these theories 

* Ubi supra, p. 361 ; cf. Baylo, Did., art. Maldonat, note h 

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198 Notices of Books. [October, 

were we shall now shew, and, in doing so, onr safest plan will be to 
quote from M. Stanislas Julien's Preface : — 

" Carried away by the laudable desire of spreading quickly Christianity in 
China, and acting under the influence of a conviction which it would be wrong 
to question, some learned Jesuits endeavoured to shew that the literary monu- 
ments of Chinese antiquity contained numerous passages constantly borrowed 
from our sacred books, and embodied even Catholic doctrines, which God must 
have granted to the inhabitants of the Celestial Empire through a kind of anti- 
cipated revelation, if we reason according to the most orthodox faith. In order 
to prove this assertion, which was attacked by other missionaries equally learned 
and respectable (Fathers K6gis, Lacharme, Visdelou), Premare composed a 
quarto volume, which is preserved at the Imperial library, and which M. Bonetty 
has published in the Annate* de la Philosophic Chr&ienne. * The principal object 
of the Tao-te-King,' says Montucci, who adopts this system of interpretation,* 
4 is to establish the singular knowledge of one Supreme Being in three persons.' 
4 Many passages,' he adds, 4 speak so clearly of a Triune God, that whoever 
reads the book cannot doubt but that the mystery of the Most Holy Trinity was 
revealed to the Chinese more than five centuries before the coming of our Lord. 
. . . The study and the publication of this extraordinary volume would, there- 
fore, be of the greatest assistance to the missionaries for the purpose of extending 
and increasing happily the apostolic labours.' " 

44 Father Amiot thought he could recognize the true persons of the Trinity 
in the first sentence of the fourteenth chapter of Lao-Tsze, which he translates 
thus : 4 He who is, as it were, visible, and yet cannot be seen, is named KHI 
(read I) ; He whom no one can Bee, and who does not speak to the ears is, 
named HI ; He who is, as it were, sensible (perceptible by the senses), and 
whom no one can touch, is named WEI.' " 

41 M. R^musat has gone further than the learned missionary. He fancied he 
had discovered the word mm (Jehovah) in the three syllables, I, HI, WEI, which 
belong each to a different sentence ; and, to tell the truth, the principal object 
of his memoir on Lao-Tsze is to prove this conjecture, and to establish accord- 
ingly that as early as the sixth century B.C. communications had existed between 
the West and China. 4 The true characters,' he says, l employed here have no 
meaning ; they are simply the signs of sounds foreign to the Chinese language, 
whether they are articulated together (IHV), or whether they are taken sepa- 
rately (I, H, V). . . The trigrammaton I-HI-WEI, or IHV, being, as we have 
already seen, foreign to the Chinese language/ it is interesting to account for 
its origin. The word seems to me materially identical with that of *lau (altera- 
tion of the Hebrew tctragrammaton mm, Jehovah), a name which, if we Wieve 
Diodorus Siculus, the Jews gave to God. It is very remarkable that the most 
exact transcriptions of the celebrated name should occur in a Chinese book, for 
Lao-Tsze has preserved the aspirations which the Greeks could not express with 
the letters of their alphabet. On the other hand, the Hebrew tetragrammaton 
is, in the Tao-te-King, reduced to three letters. This, no doubt, did not affect 
the pronunciation, because, according to all probability, the last rr of mm was 
not articulated. . . The fact of a Hebrew or Syriac name occurring in an old 
Chinese book — this fact which has remained unknown until the present day — is 
still sufficiently strange ; and it is, I think, completely proved, although much 
remains to be done for the purpose of explaining it in a satisfactory manner. . . 
This name, so well preserved in the Tao-te-King that the Chinese, as we may- 
say, have known it oetter and transcribed it more correctly than the Greeks, is 
a peculiarity quite characteristic. It seems to me beyond doubt, that, under the 
form it there assumes, it was of Syriac origin, and I consider it as an irrefutable 
mark of the track which the ideas we designate as Platonician or Pythogorian 
followed in order to get to China.' " 

• Montucci, De Studiis Sinicu, p. 19. 4to, Berolini, 1808. 
4 M. Ke mil sat asserts this, but does not prove it. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 199 

The" philologico-theological structure so dexterously raised by 
Montucci, Premare, and Abel Remusat, is, as our readers will perceive, 
very captivating ; but, unfortunately, it will not stand investigation. 
We would be 6orry to detract anything from the reputation of M. Re- 
musat, and if we were so inclined, the high-minded and generous tone 
of M. Stanislas Julien's criticism would restrain us from all hard 
censure ;' yet we must say that in many instances the learning of the 
former gentleman has proved singularly defective ; and whether or not 
it is from the fact that sources of information are now more abundant 
than they formerly were, one thing is certain : M. Remusat's theories 
should never be accepted but with extreme caution. In the present 
instance, the three famous syllables upon which such a wonderful 
chdteau en Espagne has been raised, turn out to be the reverse of 
etrangers & la langue Chinoise ; for they present in Chinese a clear and 
rational signification countenanced by the authority of Ho-chang-kang 
himself, a celebrated philosopher of the Tao-sse school, who lived B.C. 
163, and who, according to M. Remusat, deserves full confidence. 
"The first syllable, I," says M. Stanislas Julien, "means colourless; 
the second, HI, without voice or sound ; the third, WEI, without body. 
The puzzling introductory sentence of the fourteenth chapter would, 
therefore, read thus : — 

44 You look at him (the Tao), and yon see him not : he is colourless, 

44 You listen to him, and you hear him not : he is without voice.* 

44 You wish to touch him, and yon touch him not : he is without body. 1 * 

This interpretation is sanctioned by the best native commentators, and 
is to be found, besides, in a considerable fragment from Lao-Tsze's 
writings preserved in the Paris Imperial library, and forming part of a 
recueil of metaphysical essays. 

But the presence of Christian doctrines in the Tao-te-King was, we 
must not forget, explained by M. Abel Remusat, from considerations 
not exclusively philological. He admitted, as almost beyond doubt, 
that Lao-Tsze had journeyed to very remote countries, and whatever 
might be the discrepancies of authors respecting the particularities of 
this voyage, he thought that Persia and Syria were probably the 
regions visited. Now, M. Stanislas Julien has inquired, with the 
utmost care, into the origin of this tradition, and he has succeeded in 
tracing it back to a fabulous legend composed by Ko-hong, otherwise 
called Pao-pou-tsze, nearly ten centuries after the death of our philo- 
sopher (towards a.d. 350). The importance of this legend has justified 
M. Julien in giving a complete translation of it, and it may be 
compared with the pseudo-biographies of Sakya-muni, quoted by 
M. Barthelemy Saint Hilaire, in his learned work on Buddhism (part i., 
chap. 2). 

• See the Preface to the French translation of the Fu-kiao-K (Les Deux 
Cousines). Paris : Didier, 1863. 2 vols. 12mo. 

/ Cf., the following sentence in the Pend-Nameh, cap. 1 : " His voice is not a 
sound, nor a language that strikes the ear." 



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200 Notices of Books. [October, 

The religious code with which the name of Lao-Tsze is connected 
bears, as we have already seen, the title, Tao-te-King, or, The Book of 
the Too and of Virtue. Respecting the exact signification of the word 
Too, considerable differences exist amongst European and American 
savants : — 

44 One of the commonest, and probably the original signification of Tao is, 
way or path. Here it appears to nave been employed as our word way is, when 
we speak of the ways, t. e., the manner of acting of men, and afterwards, of the 
way of heaven. It then began to be, and is now need, in language still more 
philosophical, to denote the way of the development of the universe— the manner 
of action of the ultimate principle in the evolutionary process. The transition 
from this to the meaning of truth, i. e., absolute truth, is easily seen. For abso- 
lute truth is nothing but the all-pervading and fundamental fact or reality of the 
universe; the course or way of nature, animate and inanimate. The connection 
between the unchanging fundamental law of the universe, or absolute truth, and 
an absolutely right course in human affairs, or reason, is a necessary one ; at 
bottom, the things are identical. . . We have, therefore, Tao meaning wav, 
course, method, the way of the universe or the law of the nature, absolute truth, 
true principles, science, virtue, reason, true doctrine, to speak."* 

Taking altogether the opposite view to the one adopted by Father 
Premare and Abel Remusat, M. Stanislas Julien goes so far as to deny 
that Tao can be understood at all in the sense of the A 070* ; the word, 
he says, excludes every idea of an intelligent cause, and must be trans- 
lated merely as the way, " in giving to that term a wide and elevated 
signification corresponding to the language of native philosophers, when 
they speak of the power and greatness of the Tao."* With due defer- 
ence to Mr. Stanislas Julien, we think that from Lao-Tsze the identity 
of the Tao with the Gnostic Eons can easily be proved, and that for the 
Chinese sage the Tao was not only " the way,"* but " the truth and 
the life." 

The origin of all things is accounted for by the Tao-te-King on the 
principle of emanation. A few quotations illustrating this fact may 
not be uninteresting : — 

44 4 The nameless Being is the origin of heaven and of earth. With a name, 
that Being is the mother of all things.' (Book 1, cap. 1.) . . . The visible forms of 
the great virtue emanate exclusively from the Tao. The nature of the Tao is as 
follows: He is vague, He is indistinct. J How indistinct, how vague He is ! 
Within Him there are images. How indistinct, how vague He is ! Within 
Him there are beings. How deep, how obscure he is ! Within Him there is a 
spiritual essence, and His spiritual essence is profoundly true. Within Him 
resides the infallible evidence (of what He is); from the ancient times to 
the present one, His name has not passed. He gives issue (birth) to all 
beings. How know I that it is thus for all beings ? I know it by the Tao (i. 
21.) The return to non-existence (produces) the movement of the Tao. [A 
Chinese commentator on this passage, quoted by M. Stanislas Julien, says : 
4 The movements of the Tao, that is to say, the impulse which the Tao gives 

* Meadows, The Chinese and their Rebellions, p. 354-55 ; cf. also the extracts 
from Morrison's Dictionary -, given p. 350-51. 

* Tao-te-King, Introd. xiv. 

1 In the style of the Persian Sufies, a man who walks according to the 
rules of spirituality, is called a man of the way. 

i The French epithet, confus, can scarcely be rendered here by confused. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 201 

to beings, ha* for its root, for its origin, the return (to non-existence). If they 
did not return to non-existence (the Tao) could not impart unto them movement. 
They must condense themselves, contract themselves (decrease), in order to 
attain, afterwards, all the plenitude of their development. That is why the 
return to non-existence allows the Tao to impart movement to all beings, that 
is to say, to bring them to life again (xi. 40).] The Tao has produced one ; one 
has produced two ; two has produced three ; three has produced all creatures 
[Commentator: one has produced two, that is to say, one has divided itself into 
male {yang) principle and female (in) principle. Same comment. : Two has pro- 
duced three ; the male and female principles have united and produced harmony, 
(ii. 42).] The Tao produces creatures, virtue sustains them. They give to them 
a body, and perfect them by a secret impulse. [Comment. : The virtue to which 
the author here alludes is the manifestation of the Tao in created beings. The 
Tao has diffused itself like a river; it has manifested itself externally (in crea- 
tures), and has become virtue (xi. 51.)"] 

These extracts will shew the reader what is the character of 
Lao-Tsze's cosmogony, and suggest points of comparison which it 
would be interesting to follow out, did time and space permit of our 
doing so. The doctrine of a male-female principle formed a notable 
part of the Egyptian* and Orphic' tenets, as we find from the monu- 
ments of antiquity. All the Gnostic schools maintained the eternity 
and the incomprehensibility of the Supreme Being, describing the 
intelligences to which he gave existence as unfoldings (£m0€W<?) of 
himself." 1 According to the wise men of Egypt, Ammon (the wtnrjp 
uyvtvaro* of the Gnostics), not being able to produce anything imme- 
diately, evolved from himself by his voice (cf. the Logos) Neith, a 
female principle, which, by its union with Ammon, became the divine 
mother of all things. Neith was not distinct from Ammon, but a 
mere unfolding of his essence, the generating female principle. The 
Eons of Basilides, Valentine, and the Ophites, have their exact coun- 
terparts in the Tao-te-king, and though the Pleroma of Valentine is 
more complicated than that of our author ; its distinctive character is 
the same. Ocellus Lucanus alludes likewise to the active principle 
(to irotovv) and to the passive one (to Tra^x 01 *)* Mke Lao-Tsze. 
Plotinus teaches us that the generation of created beings is the 
necessary manifestation of the attributes of God in the universe. All 
the existences and all the forces of which the universe is composed are 
only a development of the Divine thought, which goes on dividing 
itself more and more in proportion as it is removed from the first prin- 
ciple. T)ie scientific and complicated structure of Kabbalistic theology 
may also be named as affording an interesting parallel. 

For Lao-Tsze, as well as for all pantheists, the great business of 
man is to attain a permanent state of disembodiment, and to become 
identified with the Tao. Let him, therefore, subdue his senses, annihi- 
late them, and attain, even here below, a complete state of inaction and 
impassibility. The secret of true life, strange as the paradox may 

* Jablonski, Panth. jEgynt., i., cap. ii. 

' Orphic, in Fragment. Pliiha. Grac, edit. Didot. 

"• Matter, Hist, du Gnosticiswe, vol. i. 

" Edit. Batteux, pp. 59, 96. • Plotin, Enneods, ii., 9. 



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202 Notices of Books. [October, 

seem, is non-existence : p in the same way non-acting is the appointed 
way of becoming finally identified with the Tao. The only real prin- 
ciple in existence is the Tao, all others being merely evolutions or 
manifestations of him. Hence the law of the Tao may be described 
as the law of laws, and the science of the Tao is the only one worth 
following after. As a matter of consequence, the code of ethics incul- 
cated in the Tao-te-King is a system of quietism, leading, as has 
always been the case amongst the Buddhists, to ascetic absurdities of 
the grossest character. But if the uprooting of all human passions is 
commanded by the Lao-Tsze, all virtues, all ideas of right and of duty, 
are equally suppressed : man abandons his own existence and that of 
the persons with whom he is associated. This lamentable species of 
quietism, which prevails so extensively amongst Eastern nations, must 
not be confounded with humility and charity. It is a refined kind of 
selfishness, which views action as an annoyance, and shrinks from the 
noble battle of life. 

" The holy man makes his occupation of non-acting, and makes his re-acting 
consist in silence" (i. ap. 2). 

" When the wise man governs, he constantly aims at rendering the people 
ignorant and free from desires. He manages in such a way that those who are 
learned dare no longer act. He practises the non-acting, and then everything 
is well governed" (ii., 3). 

" The holy man does not struggle, therefore no one in the empire can struggle 
with him. [Comment. 4 If we dispute, it is because we have the ego, that is, our 
own individuality. The holy man does not dispute, because he is free from the 
ego. The finest virtue is to be free from the ego ; and then, which man in the 
empire can dispute or struggle with us?' (i., 22) J 

11 In the world there are very few men who know how to instruct without 
Bpeaking,? and who can derive profit from non-acting" (ii., 43). 

"Without leaving my house, I know the universe; without looking out of 
the window, I discover the ways of heaven. The more one travels, the less one 
learns " r (ii., 47). 

The following idea of the origin of law is worth noting : — 

" In the world, when all men have been able to appreciate (moral) beauty, 
then the ugliness (of vice) has appeared. When all men have been able to 
appreciate good, then evil has appeared" (i., 2). 

The pattern-man, the justum et tenacem propositi virum, is thus 
portrayed by Lao-Tsze, and after him by a commentator who is still 
more eloquent : — 

" The holy man places himself after others, and therefore he becomes the 
first. He disengages himself from his hody, and his body is preserved. Is it 
not because he has no private interests? Therefore he can succeed in his 
private interests." — [Comment. 4 Why cannot man subsist eternally like the 
heaven and the earth? It is because he allows himself to be blinded by what 
he hears and sees ; because he allows himself to be deceived by his sensations 
and his perceptions. His body, which is nothing but a vain thing, keeps him 
in bonds of iron ; he seeks with too much ardour the means of gaining a liveli- 
hood ; he knows how to suppress neither his disordered passions nor his sensual 

p Cf. the Pend-Nameh, edit. Sacy, p. 66, and the Arabic proverb quoted, p. 73. 

» On the merits of silence, see the passages quoted by M. Silvester de Sacy, 
in his translation of the Pend-Nameh, pp. 24, 25, edit. 1819. 

r Cf. the well-known French couplet: " Rare men t a courir le monde on 
deviunt plus hoinine de bien." 



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186 1.] Notices of Books. 203 

appetites. Hence it is that the holy man uproots and drives away the illusions 
of the age ; he stoops down for the purpose of feeding his will, and he forgets 
his body, in order to preserve his purity. All men are fond of rising ; he alone 
likes to humble and abase himself. They like to make themselves great ; he 
alone seeks to appear soft and mean. They all contend for the first place ; he 
withdraws, as if out of pusillamity. He places himself after others, and 
places others before him.' That is why men honour him, and assign to him the 
first rank. Men seek occupation with eagerness; he alone diminishes his 
desires. They esteem their person ; he alone forgets his body. They desire 
life ; he alone learns to die. He sets no value on life, therefore death cannot 
reach him' (i., 7).'" 

Lao-Tsze seems as if he had studied the doctrines of the Stoics, 
and been trained at the school of Zeno. Some of the maxims he 
inculcates are truly excellent ; but they must be taken independently, 
and without any reference to the ensemble of his views, which, con- 
sidered as a whole, will not bear investigation. We must also notice 
that the indifference be and his disciples professed respecting all sub- 
lunary beings led a commentator of the Tao-te~King to make assertions, 
the morality of which is, to say the least, extremely questionable : — 

" An ancient writer said : 'He who loves life maybe killed; he who loves 
purity may be stained; he who loves glory maybe covered with shame; he 
who loves perfection may lose it. But if man remains a stranger to ^bodily) life, 
who can slay him ? If he remains a stranger to purity, who can soil him ? If 
he remains a stranger to glory, who can dishonour him ? If he remains a 
stranger to perfection, who can make him lose it ? He who understands this can 
laugh both at life and at death' (ii. 50). "" 

We have considered the ethics of the Tao-te-King with respect to 
their influence on private life : let us now see, for a few minutes, how 
the doctrine of non-acting would tell upon the relations between a 
king and his subjects. Writers on the science of government, such as 
Plato, Sir Thomas More, Hobbes and Rousseau, have almost uniformly 
started from an a priori hypothesis, which they consider as self- 
evident, and from which they draw conclusions generally disproved by 
actual facts. If we adopt Lao-Tsze's views, we must admit, in the 
first place, the existence of a non-acting community, a nation of 
quietists. But how will such a community have originated ? Can we 
suppose that it is naturally so perfect ? If, on the contrary, quietism 
has been inculcated upon them, who has been the apostle of the new 
doctrine ? and by what extraordinary means will he have transformed 
a set of barbarians into a nation of humble, peaceful, docile sceptics ? 

We shall suppose, however, that the model nation exists. The 
next question arises, How is it to be governed ? Amongst the multi- 
tude of non -acting, contemplative beings, one steps forward whose 
qualities, even in this respect, are really transcendent, lie places 
himself below the others ; he shuns glory as much as others shun dis- 



• ** Although thou maycst be wise and full of talents, always place thyself 
below the ignorant" (Pend-Nameh, cap. 41). 

1 Cf. Pend-Nameh, cap. 52, edit. Sacy, p 165. 

• We see here broadly stated that indifference to morality which was cha- 
racteristic of some of the mystic sects of the middle ages. 



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204 Notices of Books. [October, 

grace: the body is for him the source of all calamities; his own 
weighs down upon him like a heavy burden. If he is ill-used, he 
abstains from all resistance. He recompenses injuries by kindness. 
Always master of himself, he is the same for the evil and for the good. 
Free from desires, from passions, from disquietude, having neither the 
anxiety of the mind nor that of the heart, he is evidently designed for 
the supreme rank. " If the king gives himself up to action, he has 
desires ; if he has desires, the people is disturbed and agitated ; if the 
people is disturbed and agitated, the king loses the affection of his 
subjects. This affection once lost, the multitude abandons him, and 
his relatives avoid him. We see thereby that by giving oneself up 
to actions, one is incapable of becoming master of the empire."* 

A government founded upon such superhuman gentleness is of 
course perfectly incompatible with honorific distinctions. Nor is there 
any room for an aristocracy. The king, indeed, is scarcely entitled to 
such a name. He is more like a primus inter pares, or like the elder 
of a Church. " Although the three ministers have each a table of 
precious stone to conceal their face when they present themselves before 
the sovereign ; although the emperor has a team of five docile horses, 
all this is insufficient to render them honourable. True glory consists 
in cultivating the Tao." 10 In fact, there is really no difference between 
man and man. " In the order of nature, the princes and kings are of 
the same nature as the humble man of the people. If the people 
submit themselves to them, from private individuals that they were, 
they become princes and kings. If the people forsake them, from 
princes and kings that they were, they descend into the class of private 
individuals. We see thereby that the nobility and the elevation of 
princes and kings have for their basis the abject class of the common 
people."* 

If the theory of non-acting must seem strange and paradoxical, it is 
certainly in China where bureaucracy is carried to its extreme limits, 
and where action is multiplied to an unprecedented extent. One of the 
commentators of the Tao-te-King remarks that, just as is the case of a 
small fish, you handle it gently when*you want to cook it, for fear of 
crushing it ; so, " when you govern a kingdom, you must not take much 
trouble, nor establish a multitude of laws and regulations, for fear of tor- 
menting your inferiors, and of exciting them to disorder" (p. 221). And 
in another place: " When the prince observes non-acting, when he avoids 
it to create a multitude of laws, the people enjoy peace, and give to him 
all their affections. If, on the contrary, the administration becomes 
troublesome and vexatious; the people revolt, and know only to hate 
their ruler" (p. 210). We see from these quotations that the ideal of 
government, according to Lao-Tsze, is laissez faire, laissez passer, and 

* Comment, on i., p. 179. 

9 Comment, on ii., 62, p. 230, cf. the well-known passage in Pascal : " Ccla 
est admirable I on ne veut pas que j'honore un horame vetu de brocatelle, et 
suivi de sept ou huit laquais ! . . . Cet habit, c'est une force " (Poutcs, edit. 
Ilmvt , p. 68.) 

* Comment, on ii., 39, p. 148. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 205 

that it is inconsistent with restrictive or prohibitive measures of any 
kind whatever. 

We can now fancy that such an imaginary nation as the one 
dreamed of by Lao-Tsze would live quietly and happily, realizing 
almost the fictions of the golden age, and presenting to the astonished 
bystander a kind of paradise upon earth. But suppose the case of a 
man belonging to that community beginning to think for himself, and 
to feel springing within his soul that desire for action, that thirst for 
higher things, which is one of the noblest elements of our nature. 
Lao-Tsze meets the difficulty with the plain declaration, that the people 
must be always kept in statu pupillari (p. 182). "The prince must 
render the people ignorant and exempt from desire, in order to bring 
them back to their original purity and simplicity" (pp. 211, 244). 
" The arts and sciences are useless, nay, worse than useless, because, 
when they are once cultivated, we see appearing a number of objects 
as strange as they are futile, which become for the empire instruments 
of trouble and disorder" (p. 212). The people, too, are much the 
worse for the arts of civilization, because, " in order that the king may 
wear dresses of silk of various colours, and feed on exquisite viands, 
he must weigh down his subjects with taxes, and rob them of their 
riches. Hoc est quod aguntpratdones" (p. 195). Another safe precaution 
is, to take away from the people the anxiety for travelling. Let every 
one keep at home, satisfied with what he sees around him, striving to 
destroy within his own soul the rising sparks of ambition and energy ,v 
and happy at being under the rule of a kind of pantheist abbe* Myriel, 
who endeavours to convince him that Vhomme qui medite est un animal 
deprave*.* 

We have now given, as briefly and yet as completely as we could, 
an idea of the work, for a French translation of which we are indebted 
to M. Stanislas Julien. The reader who wishes to see the difference 
between the system of Confucius and that of Lao-Tsze cannot do 
better than consult the pseudo-biography which serves as an introduc- 
tion to the Tao-te-King. It is pretty clear that the quietist theories 
just examined in this article ware the result of a very natural re-acting 
against the common-place matter of fact, utilitarian doctrines taught 
by Confucius. Lao-Tsze himself did not at first obtain much popu- 
larity, and he was regarded rather as a solitary, exceptional case of 
superhuman virtue, than as the founder of a new faith. It was about 
the year 140 after Christ that the Tao-sse, or philosophers following 
Lao-Tsze, rose into notoriety ; and since that time they have constantly 
been gaining ground, although their original tenets are now very much 
deteriorated by the admission of pretended incantations and ceremonies 
which have often caused them to be laughed at as vulgar impostors." 

r Cf. Victor Hugo's Lea Misiroblea. 

' J. J. Rousseau, Discourt sur V origin ti let fondemenU de VinigalM parmi 
leshommes. 

* See also, on the Tao-te-King, an interesting account by M. Franck, in bis 
Etudes Orientates, pp. 165—181. 



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206 Notices of Books. [October, 

VEglise et la Revolution Franchise ; histoire des relations de VEglist 
et de VEtat de 1789 & 1802. Par E. de Pressense. 8vo. Paris : 
Meyrueis. 

The history of the French revolution has been too long considered as 
chiefly, if not exclusively, a history of riots, battles, diplomatic nego- 
ciations, and parliamentary debates. In dealing with this momentous 
epoch, writers have taken too little notice of the intellectual and reli- 
gious state of society ; they have uuaccountably neglected to examine 
the causes which brought about the revolution, and to shew what secret 
links connected the new society with the ancien rSgime. M. de Tocque- 
ville was the first historian who attempted to give us a philosophical 
account of the subject ; unfortunately, death struck him down in the 
midst of his labours, but he lived long enough to found a school, and 
we are glad to see, throughout the different portions of the field of 
history, labourers at work who have evidently caught the spirit of 
their master. 

In the foremost ranks of such men we must name M. Edmond de 
Pressense\ the author of the volume the title of which we have just 
transcribed. One of the most distinguished ministers of the Protestant 
church in Paris, known already by his excellent Histoire des trots 
premiers sticles de VEglise Chretienne 1 M. de Pressensd was better 
qualified than any one else to deal with the weighty topic which forms 
the staple of his new work. He is, indeed, a staunch friend of religious 
liberty ; like the late Alexander Vinet, he considers that every respon- 
sible being not only has the right, but is under the obligation of 
expressing freely his convictions ; and therefore, whilst sympathizing 
most sincerely with the great movement of 1789, he sees and shews to 
his readers, in the clearest manner, how the golden opportunity of 
establishing the imprescriptible claims of conscience, and of determining 
the true position of the Church, was missed from the erroneous prin- 
ciples under the influence of which both parties were acting. On the 
one hand, the champion of the old system, totally disregarding the 
feeling of irritation against the clergy, which their own vices and gross 
neglect of duty had created on all sides, would not abate one jot of 
their pretensions ; on the other, the revolutionists, conscious that the 
religious idea is, and must ever be, an essential part of man's nature, 
and therefore a powerful element of social and political government, 
wanted to reduce the clergy to the position of mere tools of the secular 
authority. The spirit of Bossuet, and that of Jean Jacques Rousseau 
were in antagonism ; what was to be the result ? 

M. de Pressensd has, in his introductory chapter, very lucidly 
explained the radical effects of Gallicanism, and shewn that, in the 
sphere of religion, it was the strict carrying out of the principle of 
centralization which has always been the chief characteristic of admi- 
nistration in France : 

" We see it," says oar author; ** the Gallican church, rich and powerful at 
it was, had no other position than that of a very dependent State church. We 
praise it for having resisted the influence of Ultramontanism ; we acknowledge 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 207 

that it has been graced by prelates of brilliant talent and of admirable virtue ; 
its glory is inseparable from that of our country, but it has, nevertheless, sacri- 
ficed more than one precious liberty to the great French idol— we mean the 
State. It has forged, or allowed others to forge for it, a yoke which would 
become unsufferable as soon as it was imposed by the votes of an assembly, 
instead of being offered by royal hands. For we shall see that in order to 
enslave the Church, the French revolution has had nothing else to do but to 
draw the consequences of the principles established by Louis XIV. and Bossuet. 
At all events, closely associated as it was during the eighteenth century with all 
the iniquities of the ancien regime, surpassing them m evil by those which it 
perpetrated on its own account, the French church excited the strongest oppo- 
sition without honouring itself by lofty virtues; for nothing is more sad to 
contemplate than its moral status, until the day when it rose through martyrdom 
and purified itself in its own blood." (p. 12.) 

From this quotation, and from the numerous facts adduced with 
such care by M. de Pressense\ we see that in the sphere of religion, as 
well as in every other, the fundamental principle which M. de Tocque- 
ville enunciated holds good, namely, that the revolutionary government, 
acting under the inspiration of the theoricians of the Rousseau school, 
simply carried out the ideas of Louis XIV. ; and, accordingly, when we 
say that the spirit of Bossuet was, on the eve of the reign of terror, 
brought into antagonism with that of the " Genevese philosopher," we 
must be understood to mean, respectively, belief and disbelief in the 
essentials of Christianity. 

On the question of religious toleration, the greater part qf the 
liberals were agreed, that is to say, they admitted the duty of 
restoring the non- Catholics to their rights as citizens ; but, by the most 
lamentable inconsistency, they wanted to deprive the Catholics them- 
selves of the right of worshipping God according to their conscience ; 
and, in fact, we may say that if some of the most advanced revolu- 
tionists were so well disposed towards the Jews, the Protestants, and 
other members of the religious minority, it was only because they con- 
sidered them as not influential enough to oppose any measure which 
might be subsequently imtroduced by the secular power. To this sin- 
gular method of interpreting religious liberty, we must ascribe the 
glaring paradoxes which disfigure the speeches of Mirabeau, and other 
of the leading orators in the assembly. Side by side with great truths 
forcibly asserted, we find sophisms of the grossest kind — the natural 
result of that ignorance of practical religion which the Galiican clergy 
had, we must say, encouraged and illustrated by its own example. It 
is curious to follow, in M. de Pressense^s instructive book, the discus- 
sions relative to Church property. We shall quote a fragment from the 
chapter referring to this subject : — 

" Garat entered into the heart of the question when he reviewed all the 
restrictions imposed by the laws on the free use of Church property, such as the 
prohibition from increasing or alienating them without a special authorization, 
tie invoked the constant traditions of the old monarchy, which conferred to the 
prince the right of nominating to bishoprics and abbeys, of enjoying the revenues 
of vacant benefices, and even of dividing or uniting the property of the Church. 
The nation had always interposed in the question of foundations, so much so 
that when certain funds were not sufficient to defray the expenses of religious 



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208 Notices cf Books. [October, 

services, the heirs at law were obliged to make up the deficiency. From these 
incontestable principles, Garat drew a consequence which was really enormous. 
The State, he maintained, is so completely the master of religion, that it has the 
right of abolishing the Christian religion, its worship and its ministers, and of 
applying the funds it now enjoys to the support of a more moral creed, sup- 
posing (which is impossible) there should be one better than the faith now 
professed. * It is essential/ he said, in finishing, * that functionaries should be 
paid by the nation ; if they are proprietors, they can be independent.' Garat's 
speech thus combined, in a dangerous mixture, truth and error ; its conclusion 
shewed how much the evil genius of Rousseau's control social was presiding 
over the whole discussion." (p. 67.) 

In another passage, M. de Pressense proves still more forcibly that 
both parties were egregiously inconsistent in this memorable debate. 
The National Assembly had very properly refused to adopt a State reli- 
gion ; to the fanatical upholders of the union between the throne and 
the altar, it had said that religious opinions are not a fit subject for 
votes ; that the claims of conscience cannot be interfered with ; and 
that no one has the right of making his own views paramount over 
those of others. At the same time, the principle of a church salaried 
by the State was carried, on the ground that " religious worship is a 
duty for all ; that all are considered to avail themselves of it ; and that 
the l Holy Militia' is supported, as the army, for the benefit of all." 
Now, as M. de PressensJ observes, if the Catholic form of worship is 
proclaimed as a universal duty, we cannot see what difference there is 
between such an assertion and the old one which acknowledges the 
" Catholic, apostolic, and Roman faith, as the only recognized form of 
religion." On the other hand, the conservative members belonging to 
the clergy and nobility were equally conspicuous for their want of logic. 
Whilst they refused the salary offered by the government, on the plea 
of the independence of the Church, they insisted, in the very same 
breath, on the government's formally adopting the Catholic faith. By 
so doing, they placed themselves on the ground of legal proscriptions, 
which, if they were favourable to them now, might, the next day, 
be made use of against them, without their having any reason to 
complain. 

The constitution civile du clergt, as it is called, was a kind of 
mezzo termine, which could satisfy neither the Church nor the revolu- 
tionists. After the death of the king, it became evident that the 
destruction of everything bearing the slightest reference to Christianity 
was the aim of the monsters who composed the committee of public 
safety. The Convention established the worship of Reason on what it 
was pleased to call the ruins of superstition ; and in the disgraceful 
scenes which then took place, Gregoire, bishop of Blois, was the only 
one who was bold enough to bear witness to the faith of Christ. For a 
full account of this noble manifestation, we must refer our readers to 
M. de Pressen8e"s eloquent narrative (p. 273 — 276). 

After the events of Thermidor, the spirit of persecution did not 
immediately cease ; and both Tallien and his friends seemed determined 
upon carrying on the reign of terror with only very slight modifications. 
However, the reaction against the tyranny of the Convention was too 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 209 

strong to be long disregarded ; and as soon as the penal restrictions' 
upon public worship were removed, the votaries of Reason found them- 
selves in the minority. 

44 The sense of the infinite," says M. de PressensS, " is alone capable of 
originating a religion. If men do not meet for their business or their pleasure, 
the only bond of association is a divine thought. You will never be capable of 
bringing them together, or of influencing them for the sake of mere abstractions. 
Neither patriotic hymns, nor lectures on the Constitution, and on agriculture, 
could temper the intolerable dulness of the Republican festivals ; people soon 
declared themselves biases on the touching spectacle of old age contrasting with 
infancy. The solemn anniversary of the Reproduction of Beings was amusing 
enough ; but the unavoidable sermon on the rights of citizens, and on the culti- 
vation of the potato-plant, could not take the place of the sacred texts for which 
the soul of man yearns, because they remind him of his heavenly country." 
(p. 323.) 

We wish time allowed us to follow M. de Pressens6 in his impar- 
tial and lucid appreciation of the Directoire, the Consulate, and the 
Empire. It is a mistake to say that a coup d'etat brought back reli- 
gion into France just as a coup d'dtat had suppressed it. Religion is 
beyond the influence of such causes ; when external pressure is made 
to bear upon it, its outward manifestation cannot, of course, take place ; 
but it never dies, and as soon as the pressure is removed, the greatest 
enemies of Christianity see that their theories are vain when compared 
with the faith of the Cross. Gregoire played a conspicuous part in the 
religious revival which followed the inauguration of liberty of worship : 
assisted by a numerous band of faithful ecclesiastics, he endeavoured to 
diffuse everywhere sound principles, and the Christianity which he 
preached — Jansenist in its essential tendencies, — was a great improve- 
ment on the State- Catholicism of the pre-revolutionary epoch. 

Under the influence of really liberal ideas, the respective positions 
of the Church and the State might, after some time, have become 
recognized; but the Empire interfered, and the ministers of religion 
sank once more to the condition of paid functionaries, of servants of 
the civil power, just as they were in the palmy days of Louis XIV. 

Philosopkie. De la Connaissance de Dieu. Par A. Gratry, Pr^tre 
de POratoire de rimmacules Conception. Second Edition. Two 
Vols. 12mo. Paris. 1864. 
The work of the Abbe Gratry, which we would introduce to the notice 
of the Christian public, is one of paramount value, whether we con- 
sider the subject discussed, the position of the author, or finally the 
point of view from which he has treated the great question of theodicy. 
Two short extracts from the avant-propos will place in a very clear 
and unmistakeable light the fundamental axioms of the whole treatise: — 

" According to us, the attempt to separate philosophy from theology is as false 
as if any one wished to separate mathematical from physical science, and to 
study metaphysics without taking into consideration the visible creation and the 
mysteries of geometry. Those who aim at isolating reason from supernatural 
teaching are as mistaken as the idealists, who want to discuss it apart from the 
physical light of the senses. ... We believe, on the other hand, according to the 
NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XI. p 



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210 Notices of Books. [October, 

affirmation of tbe Council of Amiens, that when we treat of the work of reason 
there are two excesses to avoid : the one which proclaims the absolute ira potency 
of human reason ; the other, which considers every truth, even relijrious, as an 
emanation of that faculty. We believe, as the Council does, that it is an error 
contrary to the uniform teaching of Catholic schools, to attack natural reason as 
powerless, and to question the worth of the solid arguments which demonstrate 
the existence of God, and the other great truths designated by theology as the 
preambles of faith. The Council, following the tradition of the Christian church, 
declares these truths to be within the reach of reason, and susceptible of being 
proved by it/' 

These declarations are sufficiently plain; we have before us a 
clergyman acknowledging the legitimacy of metaphysical research, 
and setting forth the claims of reason with as much eloquence as some of 
his confreres would spend in denouncing them. This, we repeat, gives 
additional value to the work we are now noticing, and makes an exami- 
nation of it particularly interesting. 

The Abbe* Gratry begins by sketching in gloomy, but very true, 
colours the state of the public mind at the present time. Twenty- 
five years ago people were wont to complain of the general indifference 
for religious truth. Reason, said Lamennais, threatened to upset faith. 
Now, the burden of our lamentation must be completely altered, and 
the calamity which is drawing near is nothing else than the downfall, 
the perversion of reason itself. A profound thinker, M. Joubert, was 
foretelling as far back as 1820 the rapid strides of ignorance, and our 
speedy return to a state of barbarity. What would he have said had 
he seen the results of that pretended progress made by human reason, 
progress in literature and in philosophy so loudly talked of by our con- 
temporary savants f We need scarcely allude here to works of art : in 
the sphere of poetry and of fiction, generally, the decay is so univer- 
sally admitted, now, that the boldest novators would not attempt to con- 
tradict it. A 8 for philosophy, what are we reduced to? the old 
materialism of d'Holbacb, Laraettrie, and Cabanis; a few worn-out 
sentences borrowed from Bacon and Condillac; a great respect for 
everything that can be touched, weighed, and counted; a thorough 
dread for all that is of a spiritual nature. We boast of our progress 
in scientific knowledge ; but in astronomy, for instance, we do nothing 
but apply the wonderful theories of Kepler and Newton. If we turn 
to pure mathematics, we find that Descartes and Leibnitz are our guides, 
and that far from improving upon these illustrious men, we cannot make 
use of the magnificent inheritance they have left us. Not only human 
reason has failed to realize the progress which a few sophists anticipated 
and proclaimed, but it has so far abdicated its legitimate rights, that the 
name of philosophy is now usurped by a school of madmen who have 
taught, and are still teaching successfully, a system founded upon down- 
right absurdity. " The essential character of absurdity," continues 
M. Gratry, " its visible form, is evidently what we call a contradic- 
tion in erms ; as when one says, yes is no, good is evil, being and non- 
existence are identical. Such is the general formula of absurdity." 
Now Hegel and his disciples are responsible for endeavouring to establish 
this monstrous paradox. Their theory, reduced to its simplest form, is 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 211 

as follows : we can both affirm and deny the same qualities of the same 
subject viewed from the same standpoint. Hence atheism, the destruc- 
tion of human liberty and responsibility, and the open avowal that 
between good and evil there is no difference whatever. The whole 
social organization is reversed, and anarchy proclaimed by M. Proudhon 
as the proper aim of modern politicians. 

M. Gratry, after unfolding the appalling picture, concludes that the 
only remedy consists at the present time in restoring human reason to 
its legitimate position, and in giving it a severe training. " We must 
distinguish scientifically between sophistry and philosophy. . . . Taking 
a direction contrary to that which contemporary eclecticism has adopted, 
philosophy must at last and necessarily excommunicate its domestic 
enemies, instead of saluting and embracing them." M. Gratry has, 
above all things, the great merit of seeing that the normal and healthy 
development of thought is inseparable from a right condition of the 
soul. No intellectual advance can take place unless there is a corre- 
sponding progress of moral liberty. This important point once ad- 
mitted, we shall be convinced that the submission of our reason to the 
law of God is not the destruction of reason, but its highest perfection. 
Faith will appear what it really is, " the final step taken by our in- 
tellect/' to speak like Pascal ; quoting the words of Thomas Aquinas, 
" Hoc modo lumen scientist non offuscatur, sed magis clarescit in anima 
Christi per lumen scientise divinav," and in the same manner the 
parallel culture of reason and faith in ourselves will make us capable of 
grasping all the truths which it behoves us to know. 

The Traite de la connaissance de Dieu is not only a theoretical 
work, but a contribution to the history of philosophy. M. Gratry 
believes that the inductive method of reasoning, as applied to the 
proofs of the existence of God, is far superior to the syllogistic or 
deductive; and in his review of the principal systems that have 
obtained since the earliest stage of metaphysical research, he endeavours 
to establish this beyond the possibility of doubt. The writers whose 
opinions he discusses are Plato, Aristotle, St. Augustine, Thomas 
Aquinas, Descartes, the great French metaphysicians of the seven- 
teenth century, and Leibnitz. M. Gratry is full of enthusiasm for 
Plato. He supposes, in common with St. Justin and Thomas Aquinas, 
that the disciple of Socrates knew the book of Genesis and followed 
its teaching. 

" Is it possible/' says he, u that Plato was not acquainted with oriental tra- 
ditions ? Is it possible that amongst these traditions he knew nothing of the 
Jews, whom their zeal and their activity carried everywhere ? . . . Plato sought 
after truth with all his mind, with all his heart, with all his love, with his whole 
soul, as he himself says it should he sought; be examined every tradition, and 
travelled incessantly for the purpose of discovering the origin of these traditions; 
he constantly invoked, and we have the proof of this in his writings, a special 
and actual assistance of God to know the truth ; nor was this help refused to 
him; and he thus enjoyed the privilege of becoming acquainted with sound 
philosophy." 

M. Gratry, in speaking of the orthodox metaphysicians of the 
seventeenth century, remarks that they should be treated " commo un 

p2 



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212 Notices of Books. [October, 

seul homme on plut6t un ch(Bur de voix." If we make an allowance 
for the small differences arising from the necessary variety of constitu- 
tions, habits, and modes of thinking, we find throughout the whole group 
of Christian savants a wonderful harmony. 

" God was the chief object of research for the philosophers of the seven- 
teenth century, because they knew that He is the First Truth and Universal 
Light. Certainly these men, gifted with practical common sense, did not medi- 
tate their demonstrations in order to convince themselves of the existence of 
God. But they* felt that there is the centre of philosophy, the substratum of 
metaphysics, the whole question of method, the science of the soul, the point 
of contact of logic and ethics, the foundation of physical science, the key, so 
long sought, of geometry. Kepler, the most ancient representative of the 
pleiad, works at science, and studies the heavens only, 4 that he may make a 
tabernacle for his God.' The others have the same end in view: Descartes, 
Pascal, Malebranche, Fe*nelon and Bossuet, Leibnitz, Clarke and Newton, 
Thomanin and Petau ; the two last named insufficiently known, because they 
have written in Latin. They all seek God by every direction of thought, and 
all their voices are in the same key and sing to the same tune ; the subject is, 
the Supreme Being and his infinite perfection ; and everything contributes to the 
marvellous symphony, from theology, by its dogmatic decisions, down to mathe- 
matics themselves, through the admirable invention of Leibnitz." 

M. Gratry is not satisfied with shewing how the most illustrious 
thinkers of former days have demonstrated the existence of God ; he 
gives his own theory on the subject, and his argumentation, which 
occupies the second part of the work now under consideration, is 
extremely striking, from the novelty of some of the proofs adduced by 
the author. In order to appreciate correctly this we must remember 
the particular training of M. Gratry's mind. Originally destined to 
the scientific profession, he entered the Ecole Polytechnique as a pupil, 
and his deep mathematical studies have affected in a considerable 
measure the theological pursuits which, at a later period, absorbed all 
his attention. This is, we believe, a very great advantage, and it has 
given to the productions of M. Gratry a character of originality which 
adds much to their beauty. The boast of scientific men, of Auguste 
Comte's disciples in particular, has always been that a thorough 
acquaintance with mathematics, natural phenomena, and physical laws, 
would finally eliminate from amongst us the theological superstitions 
upon which «the world has lived for so long. Now Kepler, Leibnitz, 
Descartes and Newton are there to prove just the reverse; and 
M. Gratry aims at establishing that the demonstration of the existence 
of God is precisely of the same nature as the fundamental truths of 
infinitesimal calculus. Time will not allow of our going throughout 
all the ingenious reasoning contained in the Traitedela Connoissance 
de Dieu, but we must give a paragraph or two by way of specimen : — 

" The infinitesimal process in mathematics, just like the Platonician and 
Cartesian demonstrations of the existence of God, goes from contingent to 
necessary, from finite to infinite, from variable to eternal, from individual to 
universal ; and it proceeds exactly in the same manner, doing away with all the 
limits of contingency and of variation, disengaging the essence in particular 
realities, carrying on to zero what is accidental, and what is essential to infini- 
tude. Therefore the infinitesimal process in mathematics is exactly a particular 
case and application of a universal and fundamental method, by virtue of which 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 213 

the human mind, in an act as sublime as certain as it is simple, rises from every 
finite datum to what is infinite. 

44 The same general law measures correctly the relations between the finite 
and the infinite, either in geometry or in metaphysics. Now, applied to 
geometry, it produces wonders, and the result it gives is infallibly certain. Is 
it possible that, applied to metaphysics, it should end in nothing but error?" 

The Connaissance de Dieu, let us say as we conclude, is the first 
part of a whole course of philosophy, three divisions of which are now 
published. The question of Pantheism might by some have been 
included under the head of theodicy ; M. Gratry has preferred dealing 
with it in his volume on logic, because modern Pantheism, that of 
Hegel, which is the most scientific and complete of all similar systems, 
is only the necessary consequence of logic such as the upholders of 
absolute identity understand it. We shall take another opportunity of 
discussing this question Bomewhat more thoroughly. 

The Book of Psalms. A New Translation, with Introductions and 
Notes, Explanatory and Critical. By J. J. Stewart Perowne, 
B.D., Vice- Principal and Professor of Hebrew in St. David's 
College, Lampeter, etc. Vol. I. London : Bell and Dalby, 
Cambridge : Deighton, Bell, and Co. 1864. 

A new translation of the Psalms of David by an accomplished 
Hebrew scholar and a professor in an important college, deserves some 
notice at our hands. We were anxious to know what school or line of 
interpretation he followed, how far he had succeeded in unravelling 
difficult passages, what was in his opinion the date of the different 
Psalms, and various other matters connected with the inspired work 
which he has taken in hand. We propose to give the reader the same 
information on these several subjects which we have derived ourselves 
from a careful survey of Mr. Perowne's book ; and if we have been 
partially disappointed, we cannot but bear witness to the temperate 
judgment and accurate learning which he has brought to bear upon his 
task, though it has evidently been to him not a task, but a gratum 
opus, — a labour of love. In his preface he says, in reference to the 
version : — 

14 1 am not so presumptuous as to assert that where others have failed, I have 
succeeded : I can only say I have striven to the utmost to produce a faithful, but 
not a servile translation. Perhaps it is hardly necessary to add, that a new trans- 
lation implies no disparagement to our Authorized Version. To the many excel- 
lencies of that version, no one can be more alive than I am : the more it is 
studied, the more these will be appreciated ; the more its noble simplicity, its 
unapproachable grandeur, its rhythmic force of expression, will be felt, fiut it 
is obvious that since the time when it was made, our knowledge of the grammar 
of the Hebrew language, of the structure of Hebrew poetrv, and of many 
other subjects tending to the elucidation of the sacred text, lias been largely 

increased Two or three words not used by our translators, such as the 

verbs * to seize,' and ' to sympathize, 7 I have* ventured to employ, where 
they seemed to me in the particular passage most exactly to convey the meaning 
of the original words. I have also adhered more closely than is usual in the 
English version to the order of the words in the Hebrew, because in many 
instances, as might be expected in A language so antithetical in its structure, 



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214 Notices of Books. [October, 

the special force of certain words is thus maintained, or some delicate shade of 
meaning more clearly brought out, which would otherwise be lost. How far 
the attempt thus made has been successful, it is for others to judge." 

We think, however, that such a word as " sympathize" might 
have been dispensed with. Its Greek structure reminds us too much 
of the " scandalize," and " Amen," and other gracised words of the 
Rheiins Testament. 

In several of the Psalms the noble majesty of the Authorized 
Version is fully preserved, but there are weak lines continually occur- 
ring; as in Psalm ii. 1, "Why have nations raged tumultuously ?" 
where the adverb should certainly have preceded, especially as 
"raged tumultuously" expresses one word rctarj in the Hebrew. Is 
there any reason for rendering in ver. 12 " on your way ?" Is it not 
rather, " lose the right way ?" Rightly does Mr. Perowne, after due 
consideration, render in the same verse, " kiss the Son." We tran- 
scribe his critical note on the words -n *p*to. "The interpretation of these 
words has been a difficulty. (1.) The Chaldee has wdM tap, * receive 
instruction;' LXX., SpagaaOe wmBeia*; Vulgate, apprekendite dis- 
ciplinam ; ia being thus, as in Aramaic, 'piety, obedience,' etc 
(2.) Others have taken it as an adverb. Jerome, Adorate pure. 
Aquinas, Karac/)i\Tjffar€ e\c\e/CTu?s. Symmachus, Trpofftcvu^ffare KaOapw*. 
(3.) Others, again, 'the chosen one' (from tq), without the article, as 
^ra xxi. 1. (4.) Of the older versions, only the Syriac has f^O OO • 1 
' kiss the Son.' Among the Jewish commentators, so Aben Ezra and 
Maimonides (quoted in Benzev,) who both refer to the ^ above. So 
also Mendelss., *dem Sohne huldiget;' and so Gesenius and De 
Wette, who cannot be accused of any dogmatic bias in favour of their 
interpretation. The only objection to this, of any weight, is the 
Aramaic form of the word -a, which occurs but once again (Pro v. 
xxxi. 2), manifestly a later passage, and not free from other Chaldaisms. 
Hupfeld, indeed alleges, besides, the absence of the article, and the 
change of subject in the following verse. The former, however, may 
be explained by poetic usage, and the latter is not uncommon in 
Hebrew." 

It will be seen by the above renderings, that the verb has been 
taken in two different senses : (1.) "to cleave, adhere to, lay hold of," 
etc., — a sense which is not supported by usage : and (2.) " to kiss," 
?. c, according to the Eastern custom, to proffer homage and service. 
Cf. 1 Sam. x. 1. Gen. xli. 40 is probably to be explained in the same 
way.* The word is also used of the worship paid to idols (1 Kings 
xix. 18; Hosea xiii. 2). We must, therefore, either render (with the 
Syriac) "Do homage to the Son" or (with Jerome), "Proffer pure 
homage, worship in purity." Both translations are admissible. Nor 
does it seem very important which we adopt, though the interpreta- 
tion of this clause has sometimes been debated, as if with it fell or 
stood the Messianic character of the Psalm. But that must be de- 

* See Ges., The*., p. 923. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 215 

termined by the general scope of the Psalm, not by a single phrase, 
not to mention that verses 6, 7, are quite as emphatic as verses 12. 

Frequently a regard for the correct juxtaposition of words, to 
accord more nearly with the original, causes a rendering unpleasant to 
the unlearned reader. Such rendering is Psalm viii. 7, li Sheep, and 
oxen, all of them ;" where the " all of them" is already implied, ix. 
6, " The enemy is cut off, — they are perpetual ruins" (though much 
more correct than the Authorized Version), x. 10, " So he is crushed, 
sinks down and falls ; the helpless (perish) by means of his strength." 
The personal pronoun is very ambiguous here. xi. 4, " Jehovah, — 
His throne is in heaven." xxii. 8, " Cast (thyself) upon Jehovah, let 
him rescue him, let him deliver him, seeing He deligbteth in him." 

Besides the bad effect of these nominatives absolute, there is 
a want of roundedness (to coin a word) in many of the lines, and 
the eye is offended with a multiplicity of parentheses and brackets, 
as in x. 13, 14, " Wherefore should the wicked despise God? (where- 
fore should he) say in his heart, Thou wilt not require (it) ? Thou 
hast seen (it) ; for thou considerest mischief and vexation, that men 
may put (the matter) into thine hand : the helpless leaveth it to 
Thee ; Thou hast been the helper of the orphan." And what a poor 
line at the conclusion of this Psalm, " So that mortal man of the 
earth may no more terrify." It is possible that familiarity with our 
own versions creates an unreasoning acquiescence in obvious blemishes 
to be found in them. In obscure passages our translators often forget 
their accustomed march. Thus, xvi. 4 is obscure ; xvii, 14 is harsh 
and awkward ; xxxix. 2 is obscure and bald. Mr. Perowne's version 
is both more correct and more rhythmical in these and several other 
instances. In estimating the worth of the translation, we must bear 
in mind that it is intended for those who are not likely to throw aside 
the one which they have learned from their mother's lips, and that its 
main design is to represent the Hebrew text with all its peculiarities. 
It may be questionable whether, for instance, Psalm li. in our version 
is not very nearly as literal as Mr. Perowne's version, which, by 
transposing words, makes it a curious study for the scholar, but will 
never supersede the Psalter or Bible version. We are not likely to 
become accustomed to, — " For my transgressions do I know, and my 
sin is before me ever." The translation is therefore to be taken, in 
combination with the notes, as an exposition of the meaning of the 
writers. We are placed in the attitude of listeners to them as they 
exhibit the hopes, fears, and religious conceptions of the Jew of periods 
extending from David to the Babylonish captivity : and in this aspect 
the work presents itself to our notice more favourably. We must, in 
reading a Psalm, bear in mind the extent of religious enlightenment 
possessed by the writer. This we gain partly from a comparison of 
passages in the Psalms, and partly from other books of the Old Testa- 
ment. If we come to a perusal of the Psalms with a conviction that 
every Psalm is more or less Messianic, or that certain Psalms are 
exclusively so, we must believe that God suddenly unfolded views 



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216 Notices of Books. [October, 

'which were beyond the writer's apprehension, to his mind, and that 
they were often done in violation of all the laws of context. David 
was, then (to take him as one of the writers), rapt in poetic ecstasy to 
utter short unconnected verses in the very heart of some Psalm which 
manifestly refers to his own troubled life. Such are the sentiments, 
more or less, of Thrupp, Phillips, and a large class of theologians, 
who regard the New Testament as the foundation, the Old as simply 
subservient to it. But there may be a danger lest by this process the 
outlines of the real characters of the Old Testament may become so 
faint that all individuality may be lost. It may safely be said that 
David' 8 character should be filled in from the history as well as the 
Psalms. His continual complaint of u enemies of his life" cannot be 
always spiritually adapted to the tone and times of the New Testament. 
His maledictions may be explained from the bloodthirsty spirit which 
pervaded the old dispensation, and was not repugnant to Divine permis- 
sion. Indeed there is nothing in the Psalms which may not be referred 
in its primary application to David the man and king. The higher 
application must rest on express inspired authority in the New Testa- 
ment, such as St. Peter's (Acts ii. 29 — 31). We may suppose that 
the spirit in such passages suggested to the poet " more than met the 
ear" of his contemporaries. In other passages much has been said to 
be Messianic which is simply Davidic. We quote Mr. Perowne's 
remarks on this subject : — 

41 One class of expositors, of whom Bishop Horsley may be taken as a chief 
representative, have laid it down as a certain principle, that whenever any part 
of a Psalm is by any of the writers of the New Testament applied to our Lord, 
there we are bound to explain the whole Psalm as prophetical of Him. Nay, 
every Psalm, it has been contended, which may reasonably be held, even without 
express New Testament sanction, to be Messianic, is Messianic in all its parts, 
from first jto last. For, it is urged, we are otherwise left without compass or 
star to guide us. Where, if this principle be abandoned, are we to draw the 
line, or what is to be the criterion of interpretation ? . . . . But, in the first 
place, this canon of interpretation fails, because it, at least tacitly, assumes 
that in all these Psalms the writer is consciously uttering a prediction ; that the 
Psalmist, although be is speaking, it may be, in some lower sense of himself, 
has ever consciously before the eye of his mind One greater than he, in whom 
he knew that his words would find their ultimate fulfilment. But there is no 
proof that such is the case, but rather the reverse. In many Psalms, it seems 
very evident that the writer is speaking of himself, of his own sufferings, of 
his own deliverance, apparently without thinking of another; although being a 
prophet, and therefore a type of Christ, he is led to use unconsciously words 
which, in their highest and truest sense, are applicable only to Christ. 

44 In the next place, the difficulties involved in the canon of interpretation to 
which I refer are far more serious than those which it is intended to surmount. 
It compels us constantly to take words and phrases in a sense which is obviously 
not their proper and natural sense. We find in many of these Psalms passages 
which are said to have been fulfilled in the circumstances of our Lord's life or 
passion ; confessions of sinfulness, maledictions of the writer's enemies, ex- 
pressions of hatred and revenge; none of which can, in their plain literal 
sense, be transferred to our Lord. . . . 

44 How are the words in ver. 12 of Psalm xl., 4 my iniquities,' interpreted 
by Bishop Horsley? 1 will quote his note on the passage, ' i>amn» mew* 
4 fmy distresses],' says Houbigant; piously thinking that the person who speaks 
throughout the Psalm had no sins with which to charge himself. But since 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 217 

God ' laid upon him the iniquities of us all,' therefore the Messiah, when He is 
personated in the Psalms, perpetually calls those iniquities His own, of which 
He bore the punishment.' But, as to Horsley's own interpretation, it is far 
more indefensible than that which it is intended to supersede. The passage 
which he quotes in support of his interpretation fails really in its most essential 
particulars ; for that does express the very idea which here is not expressed, and 
which is only assumed, but not proved, to be implied. There we do not find * our 
iniquities' spoken of as the iniquities of Christ, but they are distinctly said, on the 
one hand, to be * the iniquities of us all,' and as distinctly said, on the other, 
to have been 'laid upon Him.' .... Again, surely it is one thing for us to be 
told that God made Christ sin, and it is quite another thing for our blessed Lord 
himself to speak of the iniquities of others as His own. As a fact he never does 
so ; and the step in the argument is prodigious. The two ideas have scarcely an 
intelligible connection. . . . What, then, is the conclusion at which we arrive from 
these observed facts ? Surely it is this ; that the Psalms, to a large extent, fore- 
shadow Christ, because the writers of the Psalms are types of Christ ; and it is of 
the very nature of a type to be imperfect. It foretells, in some particulars, but 
not in all, that of which it is the type. Were it complete in itself, it would not 
point further: through its very incompleteness it becomes a prophecy. Now, 
the Psalms are typical. They are the words of holy men of old — of one espe- 
cially whose life was fashioned in many of its prominent features to be a type 
of Christ. But just as David's whole life was not typical of Christ, so neither 
were all his words : his suffering and his humiliation first, and his glory after 
wards, were faint and passing and evanescent images of the life of Him who 
was both Son of David and Son of God. But the sorrowful shadow of pollution 
which passed upon David's life, that was not typical, and, therefore, the words 
in which it was confessed are not typical or predictive, or capable of application 
to our Lord." 

Leaving the introduction and coming to the treatment of a parti- 
cular passage bearing nearly on this point, we invite attention to 
Mr. Perowne's rendering of and annotations on Psalm xvi. 10 : — 

" ' For thou wilt not leave my soul to the unseen world; thou wilt not suffer 
thy beloved to see the pit.' Explanatory note.— * To the unseen world : not as 
in our version and in that of Luther anA others, * in hell.' The Psalmist says 
nothing about what shall happen to him after death, but is expressing his con- 
viction that God will not leave him to perish, will not give him up to be the 
prey of the grave, nor suffer him (as follows in the next clause) to see the pit. 
So too in Acts ii. 27, * St. Peter says €*s SZov (or as Lachmann reads, fori*). This 
was still more strikingly true of Christ; for though He died, God did not leave 
Him to Hades, did not suffer His soul to remain there, or His body to rest in 
the grave." 

But is not this weak ? for David is bere represented as wishing 
not to die : but the further application of tbe words to Christ, expressive, 
in His case, of not remaining in death, imply an extension of the 
meaning of the words themselves. St. Peter must have adapted or 
accommodated tbem, as the term Bia(p0opav for nnti suggests. Mr. 
Perowne has a learned note on mp, which, however, does not exhaust 
tbe subject ; for if the LXX. nearly always give ha^opav for rati, 
St. Peter sets his inspired authority to it. He must, then, have seen a 
more intense force in the Hebrew words than we do, if we follow 
Mr. Perowne's rendering, as indeed we probably ougbt. St. Paul is 
equally explicit in Acts xiii. 36, and both the apostles would seem to 
exclude David from being a subject of the verse at all. Here is a 
difficulty that we cannot solve, with our conviction that the terms of 



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218 Notices of Books. [October, 

all prophecies are literally applicable to their nearer subject In his 
preface to the Psalms Mr. Perowne observes : — " We may still allow 
a primary and lower reference of the words to David himself without 
lessening their prophetic import ; in some parts even an exclusive 
reference, for it is not so necessary (and indeed seems scarcely possible) 
to refer the whole Psalm to Christ, because a part of it points to Him." 

True, but the dilemma is this : ver. 10 in the Hebrew refers, in 
Mr. Perowne's version, to David alone. He was evidently, like 
Hezekiah, anxious to live. It would have been unworthy of the 
apostles to have dwelt on such a truism as that after all David did die, 
and that the full meaning of the words could only be exhausted in 
Christ. For David was only speaking with reference to the immediate 
future, and never claimed perpetual life. 

Psalm lviii. 9 is thus rendered : — Before your pots can feel (the 
fire of) thorns, both green and burning they shall be whirled away." 
The general sense of this difficult verse seems to be this : As a 
sudden whirlwind in the desert sweeps away the thorns which have 
been gathered for cooking, almost as soon as they have been set on 
fire, and before the caldron has grown hot (comp. Eccles. vii. 6), so 
shall the wicked, and all their yet uncomplete designs, be swept away 
by the wrath of God. (For the explanation of the separate words, see 
Critical Note 1 ; Explanatory Note.) 

Psalm lxviii. 30, " Rebuke the beast of the reed, the herd of 
bulls, with the calves of the peoples, trampling under foot those that 
have pleasure in silver. Despise then the peoples that delight in 
wars." In a footnote, the part trampling is referred to God. This 
verse is ludicrously rendered by Thrupp in his introduction. 

Psalm lxxii. 3, " May he decide the cause of Thy people with 
righteousness, and of Thine afflicted with judgment. ,, This verse is 
selected on account of the very excellent explanatory note. 

" 2. Decide the cause, as in liv. 1, [3.] The word (din) is a different word 
from that in ver. 4, rendered 'judge' (sh&phat). The root of the first signifies 
to govern, to rule ; the root of the second, to be erect, upright. But both verbs 
are used in the general sense of governing. . . . The main difference between 
the two, as might be inferred from their respective derivation, is that the first 
is the more formal and technical word. . . . With respect to the tenses in these 
verses, to render them as futures, as the English Version and as Hengst. does, 
is clearly wrong, because at the beginning of verses 8, 16, 17 we have the apo- 
copated forms, which are optatives. We must therefore render all as optatives, 
or some as optatives, some as conjunctives. 1 1 up f eld and Zunz keep the 
optative throughout: Ewaid has the conjunctive in verses 2, 3." 

Psalm xxii. 16 ult., " Piercing my hands and my feet." There is 
a long, learned and interesting critical note on this clause, the conclu- 
sion of which is : — u There can be very little doubt, therefore, that 
the Masoretic interpretation ought to be given up, especially as * like 
a lion' does not suit the context, and leaves the structure of the 
sentence incomplete. And we are left to follow the versions in render- 
ing either * piercing, transfixing,' or * binding my hands and my feet.' " 

We are prevented by want of space giving more extracts from a 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 219 

work which, useful to the scholar aud the parish priest, is almost too 
high pitched in critical tone to he appreciated outside of a limited 
circle. Less conservative than Thrupp or Phillips, it is as much beyond 
them in learning as Alford is beyond Bloomfield on the New Testament. 
But just as Lord Eldon's judgments were marred by excessive doubting, 
so the very want of strict conservatism will make this work on the 
Psalms unsatisfactory to many. The author has a standpoint, but 
many will not discern it, and to many it will appear shifting and 
uncertain. 

The same may be said of Alford's Greek Testament. Few men 
are inclined to take his ipse dixit but all like to cull from the mass 
of material which he has accumulated, and to glean from his parallel 
passages. 

Mr. Perowne attributes many of the Psalms to David, especially 
of the first book ; one (the seventy-second), probably to Solomon ; 
several to the reigns of Jehoshaphat and Hezekiah, especially the 
latter ; a blank is then left till the return from the captivity. But 
Jeremiah perhaps wrote Psalm xxxi. and lxxi. Psalm cii. was written 
towards the olose of the seventy years. After the captivity a number 
of Psalms, chiefly in the fourth and fifth books, were written, and 
among them the " Songs of Degrees." Psalms cxiii — cxviii., " the 
Hallei," constituted probably "the hymn" which our Lord and His 
apostles are said to have sung at his last solemn passover, before he 
suffered. Mr. Perowne thinks the question of there being any Macca- 
bean Psalms still an open one. 

In conclusion, we may remark that Bishop Colenso's criticisms are 
examined in nine pages of the volume. We thank Mr. Perowne for 
this contribution to Biblical science, which from its earnest tone of 
deep piety will redeem its occasional tendency to give forth an u un- 
certain sound," and which from its well digested learning will oblige 
men to think and study hard before they condemn its statements. 



The Syntax and Synonyms of the Greek Testament By William 
Webster, M.A. London : Rivingtons. 

In our last number we gave a hasty review of this work, expressing 
generally a high opinion of its merits, but remarking upon several 
particular matters of detail. We now propose to continue our criticisms 
more minutely, not with a view of raising a prejudice against a really 
excellent and useful book, but in hopes that our remarks may be found 
more or less available in the preparation of a second edition. We feel 
sure that Mr. Webster will not object to friendly criticism undertaken 
with such an object, and we should be much grieved if any one were to 
suppose that we were criticizing this work in any other spirit. It will 
be seen that we have, as yet, only been able to extend our critical 
remarks over portions of our subject. 

In page 73, axevrf opyfji, iXcov?) etc., are, by a strange confusion, 
placed under the head of objective genitives, as " vessels which are 



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220 Notices of Books. [October, 

objects of wrath, mercy," etc. For these genitives to be objective 
genitives, the meaning ought to be " vessels exercising wrath," " ves- 
sels whose object is wrath." But Mr. Webster exactly inverts the 
definition of an objective genitive in these cases as compared with his 
first instance of an objective genitive — rod avSpb? cvpeveta, goodwill to 
the man. 

In page 100, " Will you come," ought certainly to be, " Shall you 
come." We do not think Mr. Webster is a Scotchman. We cannot 
assent to the explanation of the insertion (?) of kv in Luke i. 62, vi. 11, 
etc., in p. 103. In the oratio recta, such of these passages as are in the 
or ado obliqua would severally have run : n av OiXoi? tcaXeloOat ainov ; 
What wouldst thou wish Him to be called ? ri av voirjoatficv i$ *\tj(Tou : 
What can we do to Jesus ? In the other passages, the oratio recta 
appears itself, and all of them fall under the ordinary rules of av with 
the optative, av being retained, not inserted, in the oratio obliqua. The 
whole of these passages ought to have been appended to av with the 
optative in the apodosis of conditional prepositions (p. 105), the pro- 
tasis being idiomatically suppressed. 

In page 120, "assuredly" is a singular rendering for a\\«. In 
every passage quoted but one, " still," or " yet," would give a more 
vivid translation, and, at the same time, preserve the adversative force 
of a\\a. That one passage is Rom. vi. 5 : " E* <yap avpxjmoi 76701/0- 
fiev Ttp ofioiwpmnov Oavaiov avTou, aXXa xal t^s avaardaetv? ioofieQa" It 
seems to us that there must be a kind of ellipse here, which may be 
represented by li nay "=" That is not all, but," etc. The language is 
here very impassioned, so that we may well suppose it to be a little 
irregular. We know of no exact parallel to this use of a\\a, the pas- 
sages quoted by Alford (1 Cor. iv. 18, and Horn., //., i. 81, 82), being 
utterly irrelevant, and requiring the translation " yet." 

On page 122, we would remark that in t«« upa pvo-erai, dpa is 
not an interrogative at all, and the proper translation would be, " who 
then will save ?" And in Gal. ii. 17, we believe that upa is not inter- 
rogative, but illative, and the passage is in the nature of a reductio ad 
impietatem, horror at which is expressed by prj ycvoiro. In fact, a pa is 
very ill-treated by editors of the New Testament, from whose influence 
Mr. Webster has not quite got clear. 

In page 108, there is a terrible trip in a passage apparently trans- 
lated from Jacob, ^vwaovai is not Greek. It should, we suppose, 
have been ^vwaovrat. 

In page 109, the use of to firj with the infinitive is not sufficiently 
treated ; and in page 1 10, merely the absurd reading, Tip fiijlcva oatv- 
eaOnt, in 1 Thess. iii. 3, is cited. 

In page 110, taOi ex^v is cited from Luke xix. 17, as undoubtedly 
meaning, il be assured that you have." But, surely, iaOi evvotvv ru 
avri£iKu> gov toxi\ in Matt. v. 25, would indicate a very great proba- 
bility, to say the least, that iaOi is from cl^u, and not from oita. 

In page 112, the explanation of Matt. vi. 10, JW* (pavwat ro7s 
avOptvwots vtjGTevovre?, is confused, and Mr. Webster has not, in fact, 



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1 864.] Notices of Books. 22 1 

carried out his own intentions. It should have run, " vrjtneveiv, etc., 
would have implied that they may appear to men to fast, without 
actually doing so." They would surely not have been " satisfied with 
the appearance, even though it was considered to be an outward show.' 1 
Their wish would rather have been to have caused the outward show to 
have been taken for a reality, and thus have gained the credit without 
the trouble. But what they actually did was to fast, and take good 
care to get credit for fasting. 

In page 112, again, Dr. Donaldson's explanation of rvyx**"* w *th 
a participle ought to have been given, Z-rvxov irapwv — " I hit the mark 
in being present," i. «., " I was just then present" It is very impor- 
tant that the origin of compound expressions should be explained in a 
grammar to the New Testament, even though the original force of the 
component parts taken separately may have vanished. 

In page 33, rj irapOevo* (Matt. i. 23) is improperly cited as an 
instance of the rhetorical use of the article. The phrase occurs in an 
actual quotation from Isaiah vii. 14, where the article occurs also in the 
Hebrew. No doubt the presence of the article both in the Greek and 
the Hebrew presents a serious difficulty to commentators, as well as 
the use of the word rvchs instead of rfnna in the Hebrew, which indi- 
cates that the prophecy of the Virgin parentage of our Lord does not 
exist in the Hebrew Scriptures, but only in the LXX. Version. But 
such difficulties ought to be honestly confronted, instead of being met 
by simple mistranslation, as in the Authorized Version. It does not 
appear either, that the birth of our Lord from a virgin was a matter of 
previous expectation, although it was a fact. Indeed, such an expec- 
tation might have introduced great disorder into social life. 

In the same page, it is said, " Sometimes the rhetorical use seems 
to mark contempt and scorn." We do not think that the instance 
cited bears out the statement, viz., Matt, xviii. 17 : wa^ep o iQvuccm Kal 
6 reXwvfjv. To us, the articles here appear simply generic, and indi- 
cating classes of persons, with whom disciples, as such, would have no 
intercourse beyond, of course, ordinary matter of business. And we 
cannot think that our Lord would speak of the class of publicans, from 
which so many of His disciples came, with contempt and scorn. In 
fact, the " rhetorical " use of the article appears to us likely to be with 
advantage broken up in its component parts, and distributed in their 
proper places. No doubt the article does occasionally present a certain 
amount of difficulty, from which a " rhetorical " use offers an easy, 
although very unphilosophical escape, but such cases would frequently 
have an idiomatic or local origin which is not easy to trace ; and the 
uses of the article in French and German often present analogies with 
the Greek article which we do not obtain from our own language. 

In page 35, we cannot admit Mr. Webster's explanation of the 
article in John iii. 10, 6 SiSdaicaKos rov 'laparfk, and James ii. 6, vpett 
fie TjTifiaaaTe rbv tttu^x^' K ® 8icd<TKa\o? simply means "one who is 
teacher," " a teacher," and -rov imoxov, " any one who is poor," "a poor 
man," instead of referring to the tttwx^ 9 previously mentioned in ver. 2, 



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222 Notices of Books. [October, 

we may as well put Donaldson, Winer and Middleton behind the fire 
at once. In to atjfteta rov aTToffroXov, in 2 Cor. xii. 12, the rod is to be 
explained by the idiomatic tendency of words with the article to 
require it in the genitives they govern. But the absence of the article 
in ol axpoaral vofiov is correctly explained by shewing, as Mr. Webster 
does, that uKpoaral vofiov is a compound phrase, to the whole of which 
the article is prefixed. 

In page 119, at the bottom, it should have been said that 6\\a 
confirms a preceding negation rather than a preceding statement, and 
should have been translated "nay" rather than "yea." 

In page 121 we scarcely understand how the weaker ratiocinative 
force of a pa is said to be supported by the collective force of ovv. We 
have always considered dpa to be somewhat strongly illative, while ovv 
indicates resumption or transition. 

In page 124 the English proclitic "why" should have been intro- 
duced, as being frequently the proper representative of <yap. 'Ai>fye» 
'E0€<yiot, Tt* tydp ia-riv uv&pwiros; "Why, men of Epbesus, who is 
there?" etc. 

In p. 125, the example cited does not prove the assertion that el 
introduces a statement which is hardly credible. The idea of St. Paul, 
in Acts xxvi. 8, is, tbat it is strange that the 'doctrine of the resurrec- 
tion should not be believed. But el regularly introduces a thesis or 
subject for discussion, and Mr. Webster's criticism is, in our opinion, 
simply a piece of over- refinement ; indeed, the passage would have 
come better under el = on. In stating that if and el have really no 
connection, we presume that Mr. Webster alludes to the supposed 
origin of if from give, i. e., gif, which often occurs in old writings. 
This should have been mentioned in the text, or at any rate in a note. 

As an interrogative particle, el ought not to have been represented 
by the Latin an and ne. Utrum is surely its proper equivalent ; an 
alternative is always understood, and no hint is given whether an 
affirmative or negative answer is to be expected. 

In oaths and assertions it is very doubtful whether gft iyva is to be 
supplied to €\ or whether it is not itself an addition, the real ellipse being, 
" The Lord do so to me and more also." We feel, however, certain 
that supplements from the context are in such cases uniformly erroneous. 

In p. 126, the alleged use of el prf for a\\a ought rather to be 
explained from the fact that el jit} ia, with the LXX., the recognized 
representative of dh % just as BiaOyKrj is of rra. 

Mr. Webster's translation of kwel in Heb. ix. 17 by "otherwise" 
is illogical. " An arrangement by will is valid when men are dead, 
otherwise we can never conceive of its having force, when he who dis- 
posed of the property continues alive." Now what can otherwise 
mean, but in case men are not dead, which is repeated without the 
slightest reason in the particular case supposed at the end of the 
sentence? errel ought surely here to be translated a since," not "other- 
wise." We need not say that we utterly disagree with the idea that 
idaOijKri means anything but covenant in any passage in the New 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 223 

Testament, a phrase which is of itself a misnomer, we had almost said, 
a venerable absurdity. 

In page 127 (Heb. x. 2) we should not have expected to find " In" 
introduced by Mr. Webster in his translation : u Would they not have 
ceased in being offered?" This is probably, however, a mere slip of 
the pen. 

We did not expect to find Mr. Webster quoting with approval the 
statement of Bishop Ellicott, that the construction with the future is 
inadmissible with iva. It is so, no doubt, in classical Greek, while 
ovm is frequently so used ; but the instances given by Winer, and 
still more, those which appear in more recent texts, are too numerous 
for such an assertion to be maintained for an instant. Ellicott is 
generally very careful in his grammatical statements, but in this 
instance he appears to have overshot the mark. The fact seems to be 
that 7va had, in Hellenistic Greek, both invaded the province, and in 
some cases taken the construction of oW>s. Later still it is found with 
the present indicative. But this citation of Ellicott on the part of 
Mr. Webster is the more singular, as a few lines higher up the page 
(129) he had stated that the indicative future after iva is probably the 
correct reading in Gal. ii. 4. 

We have already remarked (J. S. L. for July, 1864, p. 446) that 
the Greek Testament exhibits the commencement of the revolution 
which has in modern Greek entirely substituted va, i. e., Tva, with the sub- 
junctive for the infinitive. Luke i. 43, iroQev p#i rovro, iva t\0tj y 
firirrjp rod Kvptov irpo* fie, would run in Latin, " unde raihi hoc, * ut 
mater domini ad me venerit." It is a clear Latinism, and Latinisms 
have not been properly taken into account by grammarians in the New 
Testament. We have an instance of Tva and the subjunctive used as 
an imperative as early as Soph., CEd. Col. 155, o\V Tva rtvc iv 
a0#€7*rw firj irpoairiar^i vairei. 

In page 135 it is* a great omission that efye is not explained, but 
merely a caution given that it is not to be confounded with <?<Ve/>. 
That is, so far as this work goes, to say that an unknown quantity, elye, 
is not to be confounded with a known one, eTirep. We hope this omis- 
sion will be supplied in a second edition. 

The negative origin and frequent negative signification of val, which 
is practically acknowledged in page 208, ought to have been noticed in 
page 135. 

In page 136 we cannot see that vvv loses its temporal force in Acts 
xii. 11, and xxii. 16. It seems to us to be a most emphatic " now " 
in both passages. 

In page 136 0/4&9 is introduced without hesitation as occurring 
instead of ofiws in 1 Cor. xiv. 7 and John xii. 42 ; opw? is a rare and 
mostly poetical word, and we doubt whether the readers of Mr. 
Webster's syntax will find it in any text of the New Testament that 
they are likely to consult. Something ought surely to have been said 
in defence of this considerable alteration, or the authority on which it 
has been made cited. 



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224 Notices of Books. [October, 

In page 137 otav dOctbpet ought surely to have been mentioned as a 
solecism, though a natural one in the decline of a language. We 
wonder whether Dr. Wordsworth has been able to discover any "great 
and solemn truth " to which the singularity of the phrase is designed 
to call the attention of the reader. 

When oil is " used with forms of solemn asseveration," the formula 
are not Greek but Hebraistic. In Rom. viii. 21 we do not see that the 
different ways of taking or* (page 138) make much real difference to 
the exegesis of the passage, though they do to its neatness or awkward- 
ness. 

In page 141, /upo™ in 2 Tim. ii. 25 is surely not equivalent to 
ctnoie. Translate : "In meekness instructing those that oppose them- 
selves, [considering] whether God may not (or might not) give them 
repentance." 

In page 142, the change of mood in Thucyd., vii. 17, after oV«s, 
namely, from the subjunctive to the optative, is surely not identical with 
that in 1 Thess. iii. 5, from the indicative to the subjunctive. The trans- 
lation should run, " Lest any how the tempter might have tempted you, 
and your labour might become in vain." The two passages have 
nothing whatever in common : htj thus used with the indicative is to 
be illustrated by the well-known use of ovw* and 7va with the past indi- 
cative, 7v 7 n/0Xov, that I might have been blind, and so forth. 

In the same page we find, " In the New Testameut the indicative is 
used to mark the second or remote consequence, while in earlier Greek 
the subjunctive or optative would have been employed." It should have 
been " the future indicative." 

We also find the popular error, that two or more negatives have the 
effect of strengthening the negation, repeated. The rule is, that nega- 
tives are attended by compound negatives in preference to other indefi- 
nite words. This idiom was only gradually rejected from our language, 
and is still a common vulgarism. 

Page 1 47, last line. The question of <*>? = €a>9 requires further dis- 
cussion, and the pleonastic use of ws in d>? or* (2 Cor. v. 19) appears to 
us to militate against it. 

We have now occupied as much space as can fairly be claimed by our 
subject, and we bid Mr. Webster farewell, with the hope that some of 
our criticisms may be found not unavailable for a second edition of his 
useful work, at which we heartily wish it may ere long arrive. W. 



The first twelve chapters of the Oospel according to St. Matthew, in the 
received Greek Text. With various readings and notes, critical and 
expository. By the late Rev. J. Fobshall, M.A., F.R.S. London: 
Macmillan and Co. 

This may be viewed either as a fragment or as a specimen of a work 
which its learned editor did not live to complete. Mr. Forshall was 
long connected with the British Museum, where he distinguished him- 
self by qualities, accomplishments, and labours, which won for him an 
honourable name. At the close of his life almost, he projected, or at 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 225 

any rate issued, the prospectus of an edition of the Received Text of 
the New Testament, but he was called away while his task was incom- 
plete. His son has, however, published that portion which was most 
advanced, consisting of only twelve chapters of the first Gospel, and of 
even these the notes are not all what they would have been. But, not- 
withstanding all the disadvantages under which they have been issued, 
these pages are interesting and instructive. If we regret, as we do, 
the decree by which the editor was removed, we are glad to have this 
example of his mode of illustrating the sacred text. He puts in the 
margin the readings which he prefers to those of the received text, and 
places in footnotes his observations both critical and expository, along 
with references to the readings of important MSS., and of editors, as 
well as of ancient versions. The text is divided into sections, the con- 
tents and subjects of which are indicated. The alterations proposed to 
be made in the received text are very few, but they are generally 
appropriate. It is proposed even to retain the doxology in Matt. vi. 13, 
and it must be admitted that, notwithstanding the absence of it in 
some important authorities, much may be said in its favour. If numbers 
are to decide, the doxology must not be omitted, and as for antiquity, 
it can at least be said that it is found in the oldest known version, the 
Peshito Syriac. We are less certain as to the propriety of altering the 
received text in chap. vii. 14, so as to read il <rrevj), for 6-n trnvrj ; 
because, although numbers may be pleaded in its favour, the most 
weighty evidence seems to be against it. Still it is a very ancient 
reading, and not lightly to be neglected. 

Without committing ourselves to all the principles upon which Mr. 
Forshall has proceeded, we think there are few students of the Greek 
New Testament who will not regard this fragment as worthy of atten- 
tion, and few who may not derive from it some hints which will be 
valuable to them. Probably the prevailing tendency of our principal 
critics is to attach too exclusive importance to the uncial MSS. To a 
great extent we sympathize with this tendency, but we believe those 
are to be heard who claim a respectful hearing for the cursives. 

Let us express the hope that some one who is competent for the 
work, will undertake and execute a task similar to that which Mr. 
Forshall projected. His plan is illustrated and explained by the speci- 
men now before us, and if it leads to a practical result similar to that 
we have named, he will not have thought and laboured in vain. 

Bezae Codex Cantabrigiensis. Being an exact copy, in ordinary type, 
of the celebrated Uncial Grseco-Latin manuscript of the four 
Gospels and Acts of the Apostles, written in the sixth century, and 
presented to the University of Cambridge by Theodore Beza, a.d. 
1581. Edited with a Critical Introduction, Annotations, and 
Facsimiles, by Frederick H. Scrivener, M.A. Cambridge: 
Deighton, Bell, and Co. London : Bell and Daldy. 

Here we have another of the great uncials of the New Testament in 
small type, and of a convenient size for reference. Those of us who 

NEW SERIES. — VOL VI., NO. XI. Q 



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226 Notices of Books. [October, 

know the Codex D, as it appears in the noble edition of Kipling, what- 
ever our love for facsimile characters, will none the less be delighted to 
see the MS. reproduced, line for line and letter for letter, in a form so 
commodious. The volumes of Kipling are ponderous and expensive, 
and fitted for the libraries of public institutions and the wealthy, more 
than for the private possession of ordinary students, who, like poeta, 
often have to sigh over the res angustm domi, and the narrowness of 
their house as well. We, therefore, rejoice on various accounts that 
the Cambridge MS. has been edited as we now see it, by so careful and 
experienced a scholar as Mr. Scrivener, whose long familiarity with 
manuscripts, and habits of close observation, eminently fit him for such 
a work. 

We shall at present not do much more than describe this very well- 
edited and beautifully printed volume. It is dedicated to Dr. £. II. 
Browne (Bishop of Ely). Following the dedication is the Latin letter 
which Beza wrote when he presented the MS. to Cambridge, and also 
a letter addressed to him in acknowledgment. The introduction opens 
with a short notice of Codex D, and of this edition, and then proceeds 
to details. Chap. 1. On the recent history of the Codex. 2. On the 
palseograpbical appearance of the Codex ; its probable origin and date. 
3. On the Latin version in this Codex. 4. On the character of the 
Greek text. The text is printed in double columns, the Greek on the 
left, and the Latin on the right, and, as we have said, line for line and 
letter for letter with the original. Words are separated, but modern 
accents, etc., have been judiciously omitted. Those portions of the 
text which are ascribed to a later hand are relegated to the appendix. 
After these come the editorial notations of corrections made in the MS., 
and some other matters necessary for the perfect appreciation of the 
MS., and of what he has done. 

The Codex is well known as one of the chief treasures of the 
University of Cambridge. It is remarkable as a book, so much so 
that its external appearance distinguishes it from nearly, or quite, all 
other MSS. It is remarkable for its contents, which include the Latin 
as well as the Greek of the Gospels and Acts. It is remarkable for its 
arrangement — Matthew, John, Luke, Mark, Acts. It is remarkable for 
its readings, both in the Greek and in the Latin. If it can claim, as 
Mr. Scrivener believes, to have been written in the sixth century, the 
MS. has high antiquity as a title to honour. Those who have not the 
privilege of access to it, may form a very good idea of the appearance 
and style of its writing by consulting the beautiful facsimiles which 
Mr. Scrivener has inserted in his edition. 

It appears that this MS. passed from Italy into France, and was 
obtained at Lyons in 1562, during the civil wars between the Catholics 
and Protestants at that time. Beza, its fortunate possessor, made a 
present of it to Cambridge, as already noticed. Mr. Scrivener gives an 
account of collations, transcripts, etc., beginning with It. Stephens in 
1550. 

The MS. is imperfect ; of 534 leaves 40G survive, containing all 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 227 

Luke, and most of the other three Gospels, the Acts, and the Latin of 
the last four verses and a half of 3 John, preceding the Acts. A few 
portions which were lost have been supplied by a more recent hand. 
The Greek and Latin are on alternate pages, and are stichometrically 
written. There is a general resemblance between the Greek and Latin 
characters which is peculiar and striking; and they are respectively 
peculiar as compared with other writings in the same languages. The 
Ammonian sections, and some other minutiae, are supposed to have been 
introduced into the MS. long after it was written, by no fewer than ten 
or twelve correctors, etc., etc. Of all these matters Mr. Scrivener 
gives a careful, lucid, and detailed account in his introduction. We 
add that he considers Gaul to have been the native country of the 
MS. and of the Latin version. 

The text of both the Greek and the Latin exhibits so many pecu- 
liarities that, on this account alone, it ought to be studied, and we 
would say collated with the received text, by all who take an interest in 
the state of the text of the New Testament. Mr. Scrivener's summary 
of the features of the MS. and of the two texts is admirable, and we 
feel that no abstract can supersede the necessity of reading what he 
says. In his texts he adds to and corrects the edition of Kipling, and 
thus everything has been done which could be desired to give to 
students all the help they can require for the satisfactory use of this 
precious document. 

For ordinary readers who may not have seen the work in any form, 
we extract a few verses from the Latin translation, which we print as it 
stands in Mr. Scrivener's edition. The passage we select is chosen 
simply because it gives the disputed narrative of the adulterous 
woman : — 

14 responderunt et dixerunt ei* nam quid et tu de 

de galilaea es scrutina et uide scripturas 

quoniara propheta de galilaea 

non surgit et abierunt 

unusquisque in domum suam. ihs autem abiit 

in moutem oliuarum* mane autem 

iternm uenit in templum 

et omnis populus ueniebant ad eum 

adduennt autem scribae et pharisaei 

in peccato muliere mulierem conpraehensam 

et statuentes earn in medio 

dicunt ill i temptantes eum sacerdotes at haberent 

accusare eum* magister h»c mnlier 

conpraehensa est palam in adulterio 

moyse8 autem in lege praecepit tales 

lapidare- tu autem nunc quid dicis 
ibs autem inclinatus* di^ito suo scribebat 

in terram cum autem immanerent interrogantes 

erexit se et dixit illis quis est sine peccato 

uestrum prior super earn mittat lapidem 

et iterura inclinatus digito suo - 

scribebat in terram* unusquisque autem 

iudaeorum exiebant incipientes 

a presbyteris uti omnes exire 

et reinansit solus' et lnulier in medio cum osset 



Q'4 



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228 Notices of Books. [October, 

Erigens autem se ihs dixit imtlieri 

ubi sunt nemo te condemnauit 

ad ilia dixit illi nemo dme 

ad illc dixit ncc ego te condemno 

uade et ex hoc iam noli peccare 
iterum ergo loquebatur ad illos ihs dicens 

ego sum lux mundi* qui me sequitur 

non ambulauit in tenebria"— John vii. 52; viii. 12. 



The Texts of the most ancient Manuscripts of the Greek Testament 
arranged in parallel order, with a collation of the Sinailic Manu- 
script. By Edward H. Hansell, Prelector of Theology, Magda- 
lene College, Oxford. Three Vols. 8vo. Oxford : 1864. 

The object of this truly valuable work is to render the texts of the 
earliest MSS. of the New Testament more available for general use 
than they have hitherto been. It is now two hundred years ago since 
the idea of such a work was first started by the learned Mill — an edition 
of the Greek Testament quce una pagina et in uno conspectu, codicem 
Alex, et Cantabrig., etc., reprcesentet. And now at last it has been pub- 
lished to the world in a form and manner which leaves little to desire. 

The plan adopted by Mr. ITansell may be thus stated. The text of 
the Gospels is printed in four parallel columns, from the Codex Alex- 
andrinus (A), the Codex Vaticanus, 1209 (B), the Codex Ephrsemi 
Rescriptus (C), the Codex Bezae (D). As the Codex Alexandrinus 
is unfortunately deficient up to Matt. xxv. 6, the lacuna has been 
supplied from the Codex Dublinensis Rescriptus (Z); the remaining 
portions of this MS., which is but fragmentary, being arranged in a 
fifth division running under the other four, after the point where A 
begins. A similar arrangement is also adopted in the Acts, where 
besides the texts of A, B, C, D, the work gives also the text of the 
Codex Laudianus (E). 

The text of the Catholic Epistles, which follow the Acts, is also 
given in three columns from A, B, C. That of the Pauline Epistles 
is given in four parallel columns, from A, B, C, and the Codex Claro- 
montanus. In the Apocalypse three texts are given — those of A, C, 
and that of the Codex Vaticanus 2066 (not the famous Vatican MS., 
which is deficient in this book). 

The character used is very properly the cursive, the words are 
divided as in the common Greek Testaments, instead of running one 
into another, as is the case in all the ancient codices ; contractions are 
not given in the text, but always in the notes. 

The numerous corrections by different hands which disfigure all the 
ancient MSS. presented a great difficulty to the editor. The plan be 
has adopted is as follows : Wherever the reading of the prima manus 
could be ascertained this is always given in the text ; where this was 
impracticable the corrected reading is given in thick type, the probable 
or possible reading being always added in the notes. Originally Mr. 
Hansell designed to print the readings of the prima manus alone, adding 
occasionally the corrections of later hands. As the work proceeded, 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 229 

however, be tells us he became more and more convinced of the desir- 
ableness of giving all the corrections of subsequent scribes, and this he 
has accordingly done in the notes. 

One feature of the work, which adds greatly to its value, is the 
plan of pointing out in every case the variations from the textus receptus. 
The omission of a word or words found in the text of our common 
Greek Testament is indicated by the mark f. The addition of a word 
or phrase is denoted thus ||. Where the ancient text exhibits a reading 
varying from our common text, the sign \ apprises the reader of the 
fact. Transpositions are indicated by the mark §. The labour incurred 
in the execution of this plan by the editor can scarcely be conceived 
by those who have never been similarly engaged ; but the value of the 
work to the Biblical scholar is thus immensely increased. 

The reader who for the first time compares, with the aid of this 
parallel edition, the texts of the most ancient MSS. with that of our 
common Greek Testament, will be greatly surprised at the often wide 
discrepancies with which he meets. The frequent omissions of words, 
phrases, and sometimes of a whole verse, by the celebrated Vatican 
Codex, will awaken great astonishment in such as have been accustomed 
to regard the purity of the text of Greek manuscripts as in a direct ratio 
with their antiquity. And then another of the four codices of the 
gospels printed by Mr. Hansell is equally remarkable for its additions. 
We refer to the Codex Bezae. In the Acts especially, it is surprising 
how frequently we find the text interpolated by the officious scribe. 
We give the following specimens of the additions of the MS. The 
interpolated matter is given within brackets. 

Acts, chap. i. 5. " Ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost [and 
which ye are about to receive]. " 

ii. 1. " And [it came to pass in those days] of the complete fulfil- 
ment of the day of Pentecost." 

iv. 24. "And when they heard that, [and recognized the power of 
God]." 

iv. 26. " And spake the word with boldness [to every one who was 
willing to believe]. 

v. 15. At the end of this verse, the MS. adds : [for they were 
delivered from every infirmity, as each of them received it]. 

v. 18. At the end, the MS. adds : [and each one proceeded to his 
own place]. 

v. 39. " Ye cannot overthrow it, [neither you, nor kings, nor 
tyrants ; therefore, refrain from these men]/' 

xi. 1. " And it became known to the apostles, and to the brethren 
who were in Judaea, that the Gentiles had received the word of God. 
Peter, therefore, [after some time, wished] to proceed to Jerusalem, 
[and when he had informed the brethren and strengthened them, dis- 
coursing much in the countries, teaching them who also opposed them, 
and announced to them the grace of God.]" 

xi. 27. " And in these days came prophets from Jerusalem to 
Antioch ; [and there was great rejoicing of us who had been converted]. 



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280 Notices of Books. [October, 

xii. 1(X " And going forth, [they went down seven steps] and 
passed on through one street," etc. 

xiii. 43. The MS. adds, at the close of the verse : [And it came to 
pass that the word of God spread through the whole city]. 

xv. 5. The MS. reads thus : [" But they who exhorted them to go 
up to the elders rose up,] saying," etc. 

xv. 12. [" And the elders having approved of the things said by 
Peter,] all the multitude kept silence," etc. 

xvi. 4. " And passing through the cities, [they preached and 
declared to them, with all boldness, the Lord Jesus Christ, at the same 
time] delivering (to them) the decrees of the apostles," etc. 

xvi. 35. " And when it was day, the magistrates [came together 
to the market-place, and recollecting the earthquake that had hap- 
pened, were afraid, and] sent the sergeants, saying, Let those men go, 
[which thou didst yesterday lay hold of.]" 

xvi. 39. " And having gone [to the prison, with many friends,] 
they besought them to go forth [saying, We were ignorant of this 
about you, that you were innocent men ;] and leading them forth, they 
exhorted them, saying, Go away from this city, [lest again they 
assemble tumult uously to us, crying out against you.]" 

xvii. 15. After the word " Athens," the MS. inserts : [" And he 
passed through Thessaly, for he was prevented from preaching the 
Word unto them."] 

xviii. 6. [" And when much discourse had taken place, and the 
Scriptures had been interpreted,] and they opposed," etc. 

xviii. 27. The MS. reads thus : [" And at Ephesus, certain Corin- 
thians having arrived and heard him, entreated him to go with them 
into their country, and when he assented,] the Ephesians wrote," etc. 

xix. 1. [" And when Paul was resolved, according to his own pur- 
pose, to proceed to Jerusalem, the Spirit spoke to him to turn aside 
into Asia,] and having passed through," etc. 

Such are some of the extraordinary additions to the text contained 
in the highly- prized Codex Bezae. We have only given the more 
important interpolations, as far as the commencement of the nineteenth 
chapter. The Codex is very defective in the latter book of the book. 
Well might Davidson say of this most ancient MS. : " The text of 
this MS. is peculiar. Its interpolations are numerous and considerable. 
It is full of arbitrary glosses and mistakes, especially in the Acts. In 
this respect, no other MS. can be compared with it. Its singularly 
corrupt text, in connection with its great antiquity, is a curious pro- 
blem, which cannot easily be solved." (Bib. Ok, ii., p. 288.) 

There can be little doubt that the work before us will give a fresh 
impulse to the study of textual criticism in this country. The 
increased facilities, too, which it will afford for the investigation of the 
peculiar characteristics of the most ancient uncial MSS., will infallibly 
lead to juster notions of their value. Hitherto it has been too often 
taken for granted that the value of a Greek MS. is in direct proportion 
to its date, aa though a cursive MS. of the tenth or eleventh century 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 231 

were, as a matter of course, inferior in authority to tbat of an uncial 
two or three centuries older. No doubt the presumption — cceteris 
paribus — is in favour of the older copy, but it ought not to be taken as 
a settled fact — still less ought the cursive MSS. to be quite left out of 
view in deciding a reading. Certainly, the numerous instances of 
omission in the Vatican MS., and those of addition in the Codex 
Bezae, are not likely to impress the reader with a very favourable 
opinion of what is called " ancient authority ;" and it is a remarkable 
fact that the critical editions of Lachmann, Teschendorf, and Tregelles, 
quote more frequently than any others those two codices as the ground 
of their omitting clause after clause from the text of the Greek Testa- 
ment. The motto of Lachmann is still followed : " Ante omnia anti- 
quissimorura rationem habebimus. . . fine certo constituto recentiones, 
item leves et corruptos recusabimu8. ,, T. 

The Divine Plan of Revelation ; an Argument from internal evidence 
in support of the structural unity of the Bible. Being the Boyle 
Lectures for mdccclxiii. By the Rev. Edward Gakbett, M.A. 
London : Hamilton, Adams, and Co. 1864. 

This is the third series of Boyle Lectures delivered by Mr. Garbett. 
The first of these was published under the title of The Bible and its 
Critics ; the second on The Conflict between Science and Infidelity, is 
still unpublished ; and the third is that before us, to which we must 
confine our attention. It has prefixed to it an analytical table of con- 
tents, which will enable any one to see at once what topics are treated, 
or to find anything he is in search of. The Lectures are eight in 
number, and we shall rapidly indicate their titles and subjects, simply 
requesting the reader not to forget that the eight lectures are branches 
of one great argument to prove the Bible an organic whole, — to know 
in fact, from the evidences of design and co-ordination in the Bible, 
that it is the work of one author, itself one by its structural unity. 
The & posteriori argument in religion is an old one, and notwithstand- 
ing the outcry raised against it by its opposers, and the concessions 
made by its friends, it will always be popular and useful. It has the 
merit of inspired authority, and may be found in the Old and New 
Testaments alike. Thus to give but one instance, St. Paul not 
obscurely refers to it when he says, " Every house is built by some 
man, but he that built all things is God" (Heb. Hi. 4). Now if the 
Bible reveals an unmistakeable plan, and is constructed after a uni- 
form design, it will be easy to infer that it had an architect, and that 
this architect must have been God. 

The first lecture is headed " Evidences of Design," and is a very 
masterly statement of the argument. The author shews that Chris- 
tians always have maintained, and must maintain, the structural unity 
of the Bible, while modem rationalists affirm its fragmentary character. 
He fairly and clearly states the reasons for both lines of reasoning, 
their results, aud the objections to the rationalistic plan. He also sets 
forth the general proofs of design as seen in the Bible. 



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232 Notices of Books. [October, 

Having thus prepared the way for the more direct treatment of the 
subject, the author proceeds to give us in his second lecture the 
" Outlines of the Divine Plan." The purpose of God in regard to 
man is hero shewn to have been one of mercy and salvation. This 
purpose involved, 1, a revelation ; 2, moral probation ; 3, a work of 
preparation ; 4, an elect nation ; and 5, an example of the dealings of 
Divine Providence. All these conditions are illustrated by the Bible. 

The third lecture is on u The Plan on its human side." Man's 
necessities, and his mental and moral capabilities, must have had an 
influence in determining the character and mode of revelation. To be 
effectual a revelation must be made in human language, and by human 
instrumentality. But this very condition rendered possible unbelief 
and disobedience. But the divine purpose had to be accomplished, and 
was accomplished, although the variations of human conduct required 
corresponding variations in God's dealings at different times. 

The plan, which thus presents both a divine side and a human 
side, was historically developed, and to this historic development the 
author now applies himself. Lecture iv., "The Pre- Mosaic Period," 
treats of the earlier revelations to our race as exhibited in the Book of 
Genesis. Of the position of this book, and of other circumstances in 
connection with it, we have an able discussion. We particularly call 
attention to the reasoning designed to prove that the Book of Genesis 
was meant to teach religious truth, and not science nor secular history. 
Pursuing the historical order, the author, in his fifth lecture, treats of 
the " Period of the Law ;" the sixth of the " Period of the Kingdom ;" 
and the seventh, of the " Times of the Gospel." There is not in these 
lectures the brilliancy of treatment, the fulness of detail, and the 
local colouring which give such a charm to Dean Stanley's Lectures on 
the Jewish Churchy but there is a sober, earnest, reverent, and decided 
tone in them, which cannot fail to have a most beneficial effect. This 
is not all, for high as we would fix the author's moral and spiritual 
qualities, we would not forget to commend his free and forcible style, 
his command of Scripture knowledge, his general information, and his 
well disciplined and refined intellect. It follows necessarily from the 
wide range of topics which come under review, that some of them are 
not treated so fully as we could desire ; but it is to be borne in mind 
that lectures are lectures after all, and that in preparing them a process 
of condensation has to be carried on, which is often difficult and unwel- 
come. However, notwithstanding the obstacles in his way, Mr. 
Garbett has, in his four historical lectures, presented us with a compre- 
hensive survey of Scripture, interspersed with varied reasonings and 
illustrations, such as we have seldom met with ; in many respects 
indeed we know nothing with which to institute a comparison. We 
hardly know which of the lectures to commend most, but we should 
think the seventh, on the Times of the Gospel, as striking as any for 
its originality and practical utility. 

The eighth lecture is entitled " God's Word written." It com- 
prises recapitulations of facts already stated, reasonings upon them, 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 233 

and a number of important observations. The conclusion arrived at 
is that the Scriptures are characterized by the unity spoken of at the 
outset, and that they were given by inspiration in accordance with the 
divine purpose ; that they are, in fact, God's Word written. We 
have no doubt whatever that the author has demonstrated the moral 
and intellectual unity of the Bible, that amid the differences of form, 
agency and outward circumstances in which it was given, there is a 
doctrinal unity, a unity of intention and of adaptation, of spirit and of 
doctrine, which finds no parallel, and which can only be accounted for 
on the theory that it was given by inspiration of God. Although 
fifteen hundred years elapsed between the composition of the first and 
the last books of Scripture, they form a homogeneous whole. We are 
forcibly reminded of a remarkable passage where we read of "The 
foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the 
chief corner-stone, in whom all the building fitly framed together 
groweth unto a holy temple in the Lord" (Eph. ii. 20, 21). In the 
Bible, as elsewhere, " there are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit ; 
and there are differences of administrations, but the same Lord ; and 
there are diversities of operations, but it is the same God which worketh 
all in all" (1 Cor. xii. 4 — 6). We therefore accept the Bible as an ex- 
pression of the "manifold wisdom of God" (Eph. iii. 10), whereby 
" God at sundry times and in divers manners spake in time past unto 
the fathers by the prophets." 

Mr. Garbett merits our grateful thanks for the way in which he 
has shewn how the unity of the whole appears amid the diversity of the 
details of the Bible ; how, in fact, the book of revelation is like the 
book of nature and the work of God for the same reason. " Unity in 
diversity" is the great law alike in nature, providence, and grace, and 
not less so in the Bible. Henceforth, we trust, Christians will make 
the same use of the argument from design in proving the divine 
origin of the Bible, as they have in proving the divine origin of the 
world. The narrow limits within which we are confined prevent us 
from indicating many of the most valuable parts of this work : from 
commenting upon such details as appear to require further considera- 
tion ; and from giving extracts. But we feel sure that those who are 
induced to read the volume by our commendation, will share in our 
satisfaction, and will similarly obtain many hints of real value. The 
battle is about the Bible, and if it is the duty of every one to con- 
tribute his utmost to the settlement of the great questions in debate, 
it is no less our duty to make ourselves acquainted with what has 
been already done by the leading spirits of the age, on the side of 
orthodoxy as well as on that of rationalism. 



The argument of St. Paul's epistle to the Christians in Rome traced and 
illustrated. By the Rev. C. P. Shepherd, M.A. London : Bell 
and Daldy. 

These two volumes contain fifty-two sermons on the Epistle to the 



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234 Notices of Books. [October, 

Romans, and some supplemental matter. In a somewhat popular 
style, as might be expected in sermons actually preached, but with 
much clearness, the author presents us with a commentary upon a most 
important portion of Holy Scripture. Earnestly, reverently, and reli- 
giously he prosecutes his task, and the result is a really valuable 
contribution to our expository literature. Necessarily restricted in the 
use of technical phraseology, the author has yet carefully weighed and 
investigated all the difficulties of the Epistle to the Romans, and 
developed its meaning and application in language which is often 
striking and forcible. As a faithful minister of God's word, the 
preacher endeavours to set forth the whole meaning of the apostle, 
without avoiding or softening down the strong truths which he teaches. 
At the same time, his theology does not go the length of many of the 
Calvinistic school ; probably he would not wish it described as even 
moderate Calvinism, but it is more like that in many of its phases 
than it is like the Arminianis,m which some teach. His comparative 
freedom from party prejudices enables him to give a common-sense 
explanation of certain passages that are almost invariably misunder- 
stood. As a single example, we note the words quoted by St. Paul 
from Malachi : "Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated." "It 
is obvious," he says, " to any one who will take the trouble to look 
into the passage of the prophet, that he is not speaking of the indivi- 
dual men, Esau and Jacob, but of the two nations, Edom and Israel." 
Yet, obvious as this is, how few there are who ever made this observa- 
tion I We should not accept of every explanation given ; but where 
there is so much to commend, and such proof that the author reads with 
open eyes, we cannot withhold our hearty approval of his work, and 
the expression of our hope that it will find many readers. 

The complete Works of Richard Sibbes, D.D. Edited, with Memoir, 
by the Rev. A. B. Grosart. Vol. VII., containing Miscellaneous 
Sermon 8, Indexes, etc Edinburgh : James Nichol. 

The complete Works of Stephen Charnock, B.D. With Introduction, 
by the Rev. James M'Cosn, LL.D. Vol. I., containing Discourses 
on Divine Providence, and the Existence and Attributes of God. 
Edinburgh : James Nichol. 

"We congratulate all the parties concerned on the completion of Dr. 
Sibbes' works. The enterprise of the publisher, and the zeal of the 
editor, have given the subscribers an edition of Dr. Sibbes which throws 
into the shade all previous editions ; in fact, this is the first collection 
deserving the name of "complete." We have already expressed our 
opinion of this important series in general, and of Dr. Sibbes in parti- 
cular, and we do not know that we can add much upon either point. 
"We shall, however, refer to Mr. Grosart's estimate of Dr. Sibbes. 
" The author," he says, " gives forth no ' uncertain sound,' but defi- 
nitely, yet most catholically, scripturally yet most charitably, expresses 
his ' opinions,' which all bear the stamp of convictions. He was a 
Puritan in ' doctrine,' but loyal to the Church of England with that 



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1 864.] Notices of Books. 235 

touching loyalty shewn to the throne by illustrious contemporaries, 
even when they despised its occupant. On almost every point of theo- 
logy, the works of Richard Sibbes will rarely be consulted 4 in vain.' 
They are a casket of gems, and the lid needs but to be raised to flash 
forth wealth of spiritual thought." He thinks Sibbes specially merits 
the title of u heavenly," because of the goodness which dwelt in him 
and appears in his works. He does not claim for Sibbes the title of 
"great " in the world's meaning, and when compared with some other 
men. So far well ; but, perhaps, the greatness of goodness, of heavenly 
mindedness, of holy words as well as of holy thoughts, of holy aims as 
well as of a holy life, is not the form of greatness which we should 
least covet or honour. For ourselves, Richard Sibbes endeared himself 
to us in the earliest days of our Christian pilgrimage, and this may be 
partly why he is such a favourite of ours ; but we see clearly enough 
that the value we set upon his writings is that which has been set on 
them by many more for over two hundred years. 

The valuable indexes, etc., appended to this last volume of Sibbes 
are : 1. Bibliographical list of his works ; 2. Glossary ; 3. Names 
quoted or referred to ; 4. General index ; 5. Texts. 

Not having any horror of such words as " Puritan," " Calvinistic," 
any more than we have of some others, but speaking of Dr. Sibbes as 
we find him, we have much real pleasure in urging the lovers of sound 
Christian and scriptural teaching to familiarize themselves with his 
books if they have not done so already. 

The second work noted above is the first volume of Stephen Char- 
nock's writings. There are still surviving some of the old school who 
have been wont to regard Charnock as one of the giants of his time. 
Charnock was born in London in 1628, and died in 1680. An inter- 
esting memoir of him is given by Dr. M'Cosh, and to that we must 
refer for the details of his life and character. From the same pen we 
have some observations on the Puritan preaching and the Puritan 
lectures, and also upon the philosophical principles involved in the 
Puritan theology. This last section is at once curious and valuable. 

Charnock' s own works contained in this volume are worthy of the 
study of thoughtful men. The discourse on Providence is a very able 
dissertation upon a question of abiding importance. The series of dis- 
courses upon the Existence and Attributes of God displays profound 
thought, extensive knowledge of Scripture, and the fruits of great 
reading. Charnock handles his themes with a master's skill, and in a 
becoming spirit of reverence, and we can quite understand why this 
work especially has been esteemed so highly. He quotes Hebrew 
occasionally, as well as Greek and Latin, but we are sorry to observe 
that the Hebrew is badly printed. The English letter-press seems to 
be accurately done. The editor also appears to do his work conscien- 
tiously. 

Arrangements are announced for the issue of a supplemental series 
of miscellaneous commentaries, by eminent Puritans. We are glad of 
this, and hope the idea will be an additional attraction to subscribers, as 



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23G Notices of Books. [October, 

it will certainly enable the conductors to represent more completely the 
style and manners of the old Puritan divines. We can partly account 
for the neglect into which have fallen so many of the theological writers 
of the century which elapsed from Elizabeth's accession to Cromwell's 
death, but we cannot wholly explain it. Doubtless they were many, 
perhaps most of them what we should call Calvinists ; another feature 
in their character was their intense religiousness, besides which, their 
style of writing was not so free, easy, and elegant, as less earnest 
times required. It is natural to suppose that in an age like that of the 
second Charles, they would be neglected or despised, except by a 
constantly diminishing minority; and from this neglect and despite 
they have not recovered. Notwithstanding their acknowledged imper- 
fections, and that they are especially not on a level with the criticism 
of our day, they have a value which time cannot diminish, and for the 
purposes of practical soul religion will never be surpassed. They arc 
the true " Fathers " of English Protestantism, and we hope the series 
of Mr. Nichol and his colleagues will do much to restore them to due 
honour. 



A Practiced Orammar of the Sanskrit Language, arranged with refer- 
ence to the Classical Languages qf Europe, for the use of English 
Students, By Monier Willi a M3, M.A., Boden Professor of 
Sanskrit in the TJniversity of Oxford, etc. Third Edition, much 
enlarged and improved. London : Mac mil Ian and Co. Oxford ; 
at the Clarendon Press. 

The learned author of this admirable work says : " In putting forth 
this third edition of my Sanskrit Grammar, I am bound to confess 
that the great general development of Sanskrit learning since the last 
edition has compelled me almost to re-write the work for the third 
time. Any one who compares the present grammar with its prede- 
cessor will see at once the difference between the two, not indeed in its 
structure and arrangement, nor even in the numbering of the rules, 
but in the fuller and more complete explanation of points of detail." 
So very distinct a statement renders it unnecessary for us to attempt 
any comparison of the present and preceding editions. We are glad, 
however, that this eminent Sanskritist has sought to bring up his work 
to the level of the scholarship of the day. Whether he has done this 
must be decided by the masters of the language; but, in the meantime, 
we have no difficulty in expressing our admiration alike of the plan 
and of the details of the work. 

Such a work may fulfil two very different but important functions. 
We have a vast Indian empire, and within its limits we not only find 
the venerable and wonderful stratum of Sanskrit literature, but modern 
derivations from the language in a number of living dialects spoken by 
many millions. Unquestionably a knowledge of Sanskrit is of great 
importance to the lords of India; without it we cannot thoroughly 
understand the country which Providence has given us to govern, and 
with it, it becomes more easy to communicate to the natives our civil, 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 237 

social, and religious ideas. On political and religious, as well as on 
literary grounds, it is of enormous consequence to us whether we 
neglect or attend to the Sanskrit. The grammar of Professor Williams, 
therefore, supplies us with a stepping stone to learning with which we 
cannot dispense in our actual relations to India. This is the first great 
work such a book has to do. The second is uot of small moment. 
The study of comparative philology shews not only the derivation of 
sundry great Indian dialects from the Sanskrit, but has established the 
kinship of Sanskrit with " Greek, Latin, Persian, Gothic, Lithuanian, 
Slavonic, Keltic, and through some of these, with Italian, French, 
Spanish, Portuguese, German, and our own mother-tongue." Startling 
as this fact may appear, it is established on a basis which cannot be 
shaken ; and it leads us to the conclusion that all the nations thus 
joined in speech are of one blood ; that, however different externally 
and in details, they have radiated from a common centre, or sprung 
from a common stock. Now even the study of a Sanskrit grammar 
without the reading of a Sanskrit book, will enable the philologist to 
illustrate, amplify, and verify the conclusions which others have arrived 
at. With such assistance as Professor Williams supplies, any one may 
see for himself whether he has been truly informed or not, and he may 
make himself familiar with the principles on which identifications are 
based. 

Of the uses of Sanskrit literature we do not now speak, but that 
literature is of exceeding interest, and full of instruction to him who 
would study the history of religion and of philosophy, and such other 
departments of human activity as are represented in Sanskrit books. 
In the single domain of mythology, incalculable service is rendered 
by this literature, because of the relations which it reveals between the 
classical systems of Greece and those of the far East. With every 
desire not to exaggerate, we should find it difficult to describe in too 
strong terms the possible results of a complete investigation of the 
whole range of existing Sanskrit literature, and a complete collation of 
it with other ancient literatures. 

It is not possible in these pages to give any detailed account of 
Professor Williams's new grammar. It starts at the simplest elements, 
and leads on the learner by successive steps through all the variations 
which letters and words undergo ; it contains a chapter on the syntax, 
exercises in translation and parsing, and 6oine account of metres ; an 
English index, and another in Sanskrit, form a useful appendix for 
reference. We do not say the student can require nothing beyond 
what is here offered him ; but we believe the excellence of the plan, 
the transparency of the rules, and the fulness of the illustrations are 
such, that he must be obtuse who does not by their means lay a broad 
and firm foundation. It affords us pleasure, however, to embrace this 
opportunity of mentioning the Sanskrit Manual, by the same author, 
a little book, " containing, Part L, the Accidence of Grammar, chiefly 
in Roman or English type; Part II., a complete series of progressive 
exercises." (London: W. II. Allen and Co.) It is not for us to 



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238 Notices of Books. [October, 

usurp the functions of the Sanskrit teacher, but we strongly advise all 
young students to use both these works, and not merely one. We like 
the idea of two books in learning a language — a greater grammatical 
^Eneas, and a lesser " fidus Achates." 

The new edition of the grammar extends to beyond 400 octavo 
pages, and is a beautiful specimen of printing. It is another proof 
that the Oxford press need not fear to compete with any press in 
Europe. As for the Sanskrit type, its features, as we may term them, 
commend themselves to our English eyes as preferable to some of the 
continental founts. 

An index of Greek and Latin words, etc., compared with Sanskrit, 
would have been an attraction to some, whether acquainted with 
Bopp or not. 



The Book of Job ; translated from the Hebrew. By Rev. J. M. Rod- 
well, M.A. London : Williams and Norgate. 

Mr. Rodwell has won for himself an honourable place among the 
Shemitic scholars of this country. His new arrangement and transla- 
tion of the Koran proves his acquaintance with the Arabic. Our own 
pages have been often enriched with his versions from the Ethiopic ; 
and now we receive a translation from the Hebrew of that very difficult 
book — the Book of Job. We have sciolists among us who pretend to 
know every acre of the domain of learning from Dan to Beersheba, and 
they often persuade men to believe them, and so do more or less of 
mischief. Bnt while philological quackery is as common and as prac- 
ticable as any other kind of quackery, we have ripe and able scholars 
of whom we may say, " Wisdom is justified of her children." We 
regard the book before us as highly creditable to the learning and skill 
of its author, who has carefully investigated and clearly stated the 
sense of the work which he has translated. Proceeding upon sound 
philological principles, he has produced a thoroughly independent ver- 
sion of Job, and has thus supplied us with an important help to its 
right interpretation. He has not entered upon the task of a theologian 
or of a commentator, but has confined himself to the expression of the 
literal sense. 

There is a brief introduction in which Mr. Rodwell states his 
opinions as to the age and intention of the Book of Job. Its age, he 
thinks, is the period between Solomon's reign and the exile. Its 
object is, according to him, the discussion of the old problem — " the 
consistency of the prosperity of the wicked, and the depression and 
afflictions of the good with the world's ' righteous government on the 
part of the Father and Maker of all.' " 

The poetical portions of the book are printed in parallelisms, with 
no division into chapters and verses, which are merely indicated in a 
general way at the top of the page. The notes are few and brief, 
indicative of other possible renderings, and explanatory of certain allu- 
sions, or occasionally referring to the old versions, etc. Nothing like 
a commentary has been attempted. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 239 

The phraseology is, in general, the current English of our own day, 
hut certain words, as El, Eloah, Shaddai, and some other names, have 
been printed as they stand in the Hebrew original. We have tested 
some of the renderings, and have generally been able to accept them, 
but we confess that we are in doubt occasionally. The famous pas- 
sage, chap. xix. 25 — 27, " For I know that my Redeemer liveth," etc., 
is thus translated: — "That I know my Goel lives, and that He shall 
arise, the last upon the earth. Yes, after my skin has thus been 
pierced, even in my flesh shall I see Eloah, whom I shall see for 
myself, and mine eyes shall behold, and not those of another. For 
Him my reins pine away within me." Upon the word " Goel/' we 
have this note, " Blood- avenger, Vindicator ; t. c, God will vindicate 
me soon upon this very earth, though ye all fail and persecute me, and 
will restore me." 

We cannot say that we should have translated the above passage 
in exactly the same manner. Without saying we are necessarily cor- 
rect, and without pretending to produce an elegant version, the passage 
seems to us to say — as literally as we can express it — " And I, I know 
my Goel liveth, and hereafter (or, the last) shall arise upon the dust. 
And after my skin they break down this, — even out of my flesh I shall 
see Eloah, whom I, I shall see for myself, and my eyes behold, and not 
a stranger : my reins are consumed within me/' Many explanations 
of this abrupt and broken utterance are possible, but none can dispense 
with the insertion of words not in the text, nor with more or less of 
paraphrase. Some of the Hebrew words, moreover, are so far ambi- 
guous that it is a question what English equivalents should be adopted. 
Might we not represent the passage thus ? "As for me, I know my 
Avenger liveth, and will hereafter stand up [or He who is hereafter 
(i. e., the last) will arise] in the arena to contend for me. Though after 
my skin they crush this whole frame, even yet out of my body I shall 
see Eloah, whom I myself shall see for myself, and my own eyes look 
upon, and not a stranger's : [meanwhile] my reins (t. q. heart) are 
consumed within me." A reference to the ancient versions leads to 
the suspicion that here, as frequently elsewhere, some of them follow 
readings of the original which we do not possess ; at any rate, they 
differ exceedingly on some points from any practicable translation of 
our Hebrew copies. 

We are glad to find the version of Mr. Rodwell free from many of 
the traditional and uncritical renderings of the authorized translation. 
Chapter xxii. 30 is an example. Nothing can be more absurd than what 
we are here called on to believe : " He shall deliver the island of the 
innocent," or (as in the margin) " the innocent shall deliver the island." 
The true translation, given us by Mr. Rodwell, is : " Even him who is 
not guiltless shall He deliver." We only mention one case in which 
a Rabbinical conceit eagerly adopted by some moderns has not been 
received into the text : " And shall multiply my days like the sand." 
So Mr. Rodwell, at chap. xxix. 18, as in our version ; but still ho 
refers to the other rendering of phoenix for sand. 



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240 Notices of Books. [October, 

Considering the immense difficulty of the work he has had to do, 
and fully convinced that it is impossible to give more than a provisional 
translation of a number of passages in Job, we congratulate Mr. Rod- 
well on his success. We hope many will be induced to avail them- 
selves of the convenient manual which has now been provided for the 
better understanding of the most remarkable poetical composition in 
the Bible. 



Meditations sur V Essence de la Religion Chretienne. Par M. Guizot. 

Pari 8. 
From an interesting preface we gather that this is the first of a series 
of four volumes which it is M. Guizot's intention to publish. The book 
is intended to record the author's thoughts on great religious problems 
and topics: — 1. Natural Problems. 2. Christian Dogmas. * 3. The 
Supernatural. 4. The limits of Science. 5. Revelation. 6. Inspira- 
tion of holy Scripture. 7. God according to the Bible. 8. Jesus 
Christ according to the Gospel. The treatment is liberal, candid, and 
as becomes a man of cultivated mind, who is at the same time an in- 
telligent believer ; but the book will fail to satisfy some. 



Lyra Messianica. Hymns and verses on the Life of Christ, ancient 
and modern; with other Poems. Edited by the Rev. Oruy 
Siiipley, M.A. London : Longmans. 

This volume is excellently printed on toned paper, aud altogether a book 
of very attractive appearance. The editor has also performed his part 
with his uniform care and conscientiousness. A well- written preface 
supplies all necessary information regarding the plan and general 
sources of the work. Minuter details are furnished by the table of 
contents at the beginning, and by the indexes at the end of the volume. 
The preparation of this collection must have cost a large amount of 
labour, for it contains, not only original English pieces, but transla- 
tions from the Greek, Latin, German, Spanish, Italian, and Swedish. 
Singularly enough there appear to be none from the French, although 
that language might have furnished at least enough to complete the 
series of principal representatives of u the holy Church throughout all 
the world." However, we are glad to find here Greek and Latin, 
Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant, Episcopalian and Lutheran, in 
harmony ; all alike celebrating the praises of the Divine head of the 
Church. The translations are collected on the same broad principle, 
and are many of them remarkably beautiful and sweet. The original 
pieces, or those originally by English authors, are often admirable 
specimens of hymnology, but by no means all of equal beauty and 
merit. We do not read this book simply as critics, or we could except 
to the ideas and phraseology sometimes ; but we read it as sacred 
poetry, the utterance of words and the vehicle of affections designed to 
honour the Saviour. Such a book may well admit a measure of poetic 
fancy, and therefore we look with pleasure even upon pictures which we 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 241 

know are true in sentiment, if not exactly historical. We were very 
much charmed with the Lyra Eucharistica on many accounts, hut we 
have no scruple in saying we like this Lyra Messianica better. It 
takes a wider range, and in its entirety it forms an unparalleled epic, a 
true Christiad, composed by Christians of many lands, in many ages. 
We know of nothing of the kind in our language equal to it. 



The Daily Service Hymnal. London : Rivingtons. 

This is a revised and corrected edition of Mr. Skinner's Hymnal, 
which thus appears in an improved form. To the public it will be 
recommended by its cheapness and fulness, and those of more literary 
tastes will be gratified to see an index in which, as far as possible, the 
pieees have been credited to the account of their actual authors. As 
this index has been compiled with the assistance of Mr. Sedgwick, the 
well-known authority in such matters, it deserves this special mention 
by us. The plan of the book extends over the Christian year, and 
comprises special Church- work and occasional services. 



Dr. Pierotti and his Assailants : or, A Defence of " Jerusalem 
Explored." By the Rev. George Williams, B.D. With an 
Appendix of Documents. London : Bell and Daldy. 
The Holy Places of Jerusalem : or, Fergusson s Theories and Pierottfs 
Discoveries. By T. G. Bonney, M.A., F.G.S. London: Bell 
and Daldy. 
We are sorry for two things in relation to the topography of Jerusalem 
— for the difference of opinion among the learned as to such places as 
Calvary and the Holy Sepulchre, and for the feeling which so often 
appears in discussions upon these points. Looking at the matter from 
the ground occupied by the Evangelists, we find that the great facts 
about which we may not doubt are, that Christ was crucified and buried, 
that this was near Jerusalem, and that one of the sites at least had a 
well-known name. Here our faith begins to waver ; for, whether we 
accept the traditional holy sites or the scientific ones of Mr. Fergusson 
and others, we cannot forget the vicissitudes which Jerusalem under- 
went during the almost 300 years from the crucifixion to Constantino 
and his mother Helena. We feel almost more than an impulse not to 
believe in any of the theories, and to say, as was said of Moses, u No 
roan knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day." And really but for 
Christian sentiment, would it be a momentous matter at all whether 
we know or not the precise spots or not? Christian sentiment has 
made it important, however, and Christian imagination has depicted 
the mount (?) and the cave where the Redeemer died and was buried. 

Some time since, Dr. Pierotti, who had long resided at Jerusalem 
in a professional capacity, published a splendid work called Jerusalem 
Explored. Soon after its appearance it was accused of plagiarism 
by Mr. Fergusson, who said improper use had been made of his labours. 
Mr. Grove also declared that certain of the illustrations had been copied, 

NEW 8ERIES. — VOL. VI.. NO. XI. R 



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242 Notices of Books. [October, 

and were not originals. Mr. Tipping, too, another eminent authority, 
followed on the same side. Public faith was much shaken by these 
charges, and it was desirable that Dr. Pierotti should vindicate himself, 
or be vindicated. He did a little himself, but Mr. Williams, a well- 
known explorer in the field, read a paper in defence before the Oxford 
Architectural Society. This paper forms the basis of the pamphlet 
above mentioned. Mr. Williams refutes some of the charges, admits 
some and explains some. The result is, that Dr. Pierotti has com- 
mitted some serious mistakes, but not to the extent alleged. The 
pamphlet is able and candid, and should be read by all who are 
interested in the controversy. Its value is increased by the documents 
appended to it. 

The other pamphlet named above by Mr. Bonney is a clever 
examination chiefly of Mr. Fergusson's theories regarding the holy 
places. It puts in a clear light the objections to those theories, and if 
no more, it makes us feel that we ought not to yield implicit credence 
to them. 



Lectures on the Science of Language. Delivered at the Royal Institu- 
tion of Great Britain, in 1863. By Max Muller, M.A. London: 
Longmans. 
This noble volume worthily follows its predecessor with the same title. 
On two accounts it deserves the study of Biblical scholars ; first, for 
its statement of etymological principles, and, secondly, for its illustra- 
tions from ancient mythology. At present, we can only express our 
admiration of the book as a product of ripe scholarship, and fitted for 
extensive usefulness in its department. It is written in a very 
superior style. 

English Writers. Tlie Writers before Chaucer ; with an Introductory 
Sketch of the Four Periods of English Literature. By Henry 
Morley. London : Chapman and Hall. 

This weighty volume overflows with information. The introductory 
sketch begins at the beginning, and comes down to our own age. 
Book I. also begins at the beginning — in prehistoric England — and 
tells us nearly all that can be told about our primeval history, and the 
growth of our language and literature till Chaucer's time. The volume 
would have been much more convenient divided into two, for " a great 
book is a great evil," though the book be good as this is. 



Evangelarium Hierosolymitanum, ex Codice Vaticano Palaistino de- 
prompsit edidit Latine vertit prolegomenis ac Olossario adomavit 
Comes Franc. Miniscalchi Erizzo. Tom. I. Veronce. 

Tnis solid quarto contains the Syro-Chaldee (?) text of the Jerusalem 
Syriac Lectionary, long known to critics, but now, at length, published. 
It also contains a Latin version by the editor. On the appearance of 
the second volume, we shall be in a position to review it satisfactorily ; 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 243 

at present we can only hail the advent of a long-desired book, and 
observe that it is very handsomely printed and got up. 

The Novelties of Romanism. In three parts: — I. Development of 
Doctrines. II. Chronological Arrangement. III. Old and New 
Creeds Contrasted. By Charles Hastings Collette. Second 
Edition. Revised and enlarged. London: Religious Tract 
Society. 

We are old-fashioned or Puritanical enough to believe in books against 
Romanism, when such books are written as they ought to be. Happily 
the Protestant disputant is not required to exhaust the catalogue of 
coarse and vulgar, nay, obscene epithets which have always charac- 
terized the mass of Romish anti- Protestant writers, from Sir Thomas 
More's days down to our own. The writer just named, high and 
honourable as is his position and his reputation, flung at his opponents 
an amount of pollution which would disgrace any gentleman in our day, 
and win for him the renown of being anything but gentlemanly. His 
insults and slanders were couched in the broadest vernacular, as any 
one may now easily see who will take the trouble. Here is a mild 
specimen of his talk about the Evangelicals, as he calls them : — 
" These folk live in great towns, and fare well, and fast not, no, not so 
much as the three golden Fridays, that is, to wit, the Friday next 
after Palm Sunday, and the Friday next afore Easter Day, and Good 
Friday, but will eat flesh upon all three, and utterly love no Lenten 
fast, nor lightly no fast else, saving break- fast, and eat- fast, and drink- 
fast, and sleep-fast, and lusk-fast in their lechery, and then come forth 
and rail-fast." Sir Thomas showered his reproaches broadcast, and 
spared none, however eminent. His disciples remain to this day, and 
though they can hardly use the stiletto which Father Paul calls their 
pen, for the good reason that the Romanists tried to refute him by 
stabbing him twenty-two times, — they are characterized wherever they 
are by violent, abusive, slanderous, coarse, and cursing language. It 
would cost us no labour to produce any reasonable amount of proof of 
the truth of what we say with all sober sadness. 

Mr. Collette avoids the rabid, random, and malignant manner which 
we have deprecated, and in a plain and earnest style, exhibits a succes- 
sion of facts and reasonings which it will be easier to bespatter with 
abuse than to refute. The first part illustrates the development of 
doctrines in reference to supremacy; the canon of Scripture and its 
interpretation ; transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, and image- 
worship; purgatory, penance, indulgences and tradition. This classi- 
fied arrangement is followed by a chronological one, whereby we have 
shewn to us the growth and development of the allegorical and pro- 
phetic "mustard- tree," about which Dr. Wiseman preached "a wily 
sermon a good many years ago. According to the Cardinal, the 
Church was only springing and germinant in apostolic days, and it has 
budded, and branched, and blossomed, and borne fruit in succeeding 
ages in accordance with God's intention. The facts adduced by Mr. 

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244 Notices of Books. [October, 

Collette would scarcely disturb the serenity of a Cardinal, but we 
venture to think they will produce an impression upon more candid 
souls, who will not fail to see that if Dr. Wiseman abides by the in- 
fallibility, he abandons the immutability of the ecclesiastical system. 
For assuredly immutability is scarcely reconcilable with the Darwinian 
hypothesis in theology and Church government. However, there is no 
mistake about it, we have the Cardinal's own words asserting the 
development theory. Mr. Collette's book was originated by the state- 
ment of a Romish prelate, somewhat contrary to the one we have 
reported, namely, " that he was the representative in this country of no 
new system of religion, and the'tcacher of no new doctrines." Jesuitical 
casuistry doubtless can reconcile the two, by shewing that all the 
branches, leaves, flowers, and fruits, ever borne by the spiritual mustard 
tree, were in the seed from which it sprung. We abhor such logic, and 
prefer to recommend for popular uses this calm and lucid statement 
of facts, the authorities for which have been carefully verified. 

The Adoption and other sermons ; preached in the Cathedral Church of 
Chester. By the Rev. Hugh McNeile, D.D. London: James 
Nisbet and Co. 

Canon Mc Neile is so well known as an uncompromising Protestant and 
a thorough Evangelical, that it will be needless for us to say what form 
of doctrine he preaches. His manner in these sermons is unadorned, 
his tone earnest, and his aim practical. The discourses are sixteen in 
number, and the subjects are : 1 — 3. The Adoption. 4, 5. Christianity 
of Old Testament Saints. 6. Contrition — Job. 7. Zeal and Prayer — 
Elijah. 8. Exposure of Idolatry — Isaiah. 9. The Trinity — Humble- 
ness of mind. 10. The Trinity — Salvation. 11. The House of God. 
12, 13. The Priest. 14. Living unto Christ. 15. The Birthright. 
16. The Word of God always effective. 



The Christ of the Gospels and the Christ of Modern Criticism. 
Lectures on M. Renan's Vie de Jesus. By John Tulloch, D.D. 
Macmillau and Co. 

These lectures were written at Rome, and privately read there last 
winter. They supply another indication of the electric effect of 
M. Renan's Life of Jesus, and are at the same time an indication of the 
little alarm excited by it in the bosoms of thoughtful men. Possibly 
those who hailed the advent of that famous book with all the eager- 
ness of joy and of hope, already begin to feel that it is not destined to 
produce any permanent diversion of extensive currents of popular 
thought. The six lectures of Principal Tulloch are valuable for their 
intellectual and moral qualities, and as a vindication of the bases of an 
intelligent faith. They treat M. Renan with becoming courtesy, 
which is what we cannot say of some who have written against him. 
As for the Gospels themselves, we feel quite at ease. They have been 
assailed so often in substantially the same way, and defended so sue- 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 245 

cessfully with similar weapons, that we have no reason for fear. 
Notwithstanding assaults and partial defections, where we might have 
looked for better things, we imagine that there were never more who 
believed, or believed with a firmer faith, than in our own age of light 
and freedom. 

The Claims of the Bible and of Science. Correspondence between a 
Layman and the Rev. F. D. Maurice on some questions arising out 
of the controversy respecting the Pentateuch. Macmillan and Co. 

A very well- written and thoughtful letter by " A Layman" precedes 
those of Mr. Maurice, and another from the same hand follows them. 
The letters of Mr. Maurice are upon a variety of topics : — the pro- 
gressive character of revelation ; the subject matter of the Bible, and 
how to read it ; moral and physical studies ; Biblical apologies ; 
laws, generalizations, and the Christian faith ; the facts of Bishop 
Colenso ; faith in Christ, and the authorship of the Pentateuch ; the 
Pentateuch ; the deluge ; current phrases in this controversy ; the law 
courts, the people of God, and eternal punishment ; opinions of bishops 
on the foundation of our hopes. It is impossible in a note, simply 
intended to chronicle Mr. Maurice's book — a thing we ought to have 
done before — to offer anything like a criticism of the book. We can 
only say, with the author's lay correspondent, that, without pledging 
ourselves to concurrence with all the opinions expressed in his letters, 
we are much obliged to him for them. They contain much wholesome 
truth, undoubtedly, and it is really important that we should have the 
thoughts of men from whom we may often differ, it is true, but whom, 
for their talent, candour, and earnestness we must always respect. 



Questions upon Scripture History. By James Beaven, D.D. Fourth 
Edition. Rivingtons. 

Tins little book comprises a short literary and historical introduction 
to Scripture, and a series of questions extending over £he whole of the 
Bible. The work is drawn up with great care, and will doubtless be 
of much service to those who seek to impart sound scriptural knowledge, 
whether in schools or families. 

Lectures on the Prayer Booh, delivered in the Morning Chapel of 
Lincoln Cathedral in Lent, 1864. By F. C. Massingberd, M.A. 
Rivingtons. 

There is an amount of popular ignorance about the Prayer Book which 
is very extraordinary, but which will be materially diminished if all 
who can will procure, read, and recommend this very instructive 
manual. There are other convenient books the aim of which is similar, 
but the form, style, and matter of this are such as to justify our 
special commendation. 



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246 Notices of Books. [October, 

The Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah. A Course of Lectures delivered in 
Holy Week and on Easter-day. By Alfred Codd, M. A. Riving- 
tons. 

A very interesting and useful set of eight lectures upon Is. liii., in its 
application to the Messiah. The author has done his work very well, 
and in a thoroughly believing and religious spirit. Although the tone 
is occasionally apologetic, the lectures are well adapted for private 
reading for edification. 



The Illustrated Critical and Explanatory Pocket Commentary on the 
Old and New Testament, embodying the ripest results of modern 
criticism in a popular style. By Rev. R. Jamieson, D.D. ; Rev. 
A. R. Fausset, A.M. ; Rev. Prof. D. Brown, D.D. Illustrated 
with chromo- lithograph engravings and maps. London : W. Wes- 
ley. Glasgow : W. Collins. 

There is an immense amount of matter here for a small sum. The 
whole work consists of twelve parts, at a shilling each, comprising the 
text of the Authorized Version, with marginal readings, parallel refer- 
ences, a continuous commentary more than equal to the text in amount, 
pictorial illustrations, maps, etc. Among the multitude of good things 
which we find in every part of this work, none is to us more welcome 
than the religious, believing, earnest spirit which pervades it ; and this 
is, we imagine, one of its highest recommendations for popular use. 
The authors have shewn commendable diligence in the execution of 
their weighty task, and we hope they and the publishers will be abund- 
antly rewarded for the zeal to which we owe this book. Necessarily 
there are critical judgments with which we do not concur, especially in 
the Old Testament ; but, on fundamental points, the work has afforded 
us great satisfaction, and the same is true of much of its detail 



Eucharistic Meditations for a Month. Translated and abridged from 
the French of Avrillon. Edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley, M.A. 
London: Masters. 

In our last we called attention to the second part of this work. Since 
then we have received a complete copy, and are better able to see the 
plan and scope of the whole. There are twenty-eight meditations, or 
one for every day of a month of four weeks. The idea is then that of 
daily communion ; and the language is that of one who is daily an 
actual communicant. We have not at hand the original work, but we 
have no doubt whatever that Mr. Shipley has faithfully and truly trans- 
lated it in an abridged form. The volume is elegantly printed on 
toned paper, and everything about it is attractive in appearance. But 
we see more, rather than less, to justify the objection we made to the 
work on the former occasion. If the doctrine of the Sacrament is not 
the same in the Church of England as it is in the Church of Rome, we 
do not see that a clergyman can safely devote his time and talents to 
the publication of works which teach plain and simple transubstantia- 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 247 

tion, without mitigation and without a word of remark. We are, some 
of us, very bad Christians if the doctrine of this book is all true. 

Yet, after all, there are uses to which this book may be applied. 
In our own practice we have been accustomed for many years to 
Catholic books of devotion, meditations, and such like. We have found 
profit in these books by abstracting from them as we proceeded the 
truths which we found, whether doctrinal or practical, and mentally 
excluding what did not commend itself either to our sympathy or to 
our faith. This we think is not only a practicable but a proper course. 
The bee sucks honey from most flowers, but rejects what is not fitted 
for its use. The birds of the air, and the cattle on a thousand hills, all 
proceed on the same principle. And this is what we must do with the 
books we read. This is what we can do with the book of M. Avrillon 
so tastefully edited by the Rev. Mr. Shipley. The great drawback is 
that we cannot resign ourselves to the author's guidance uncontrolled, 
and that we have so frequently to exercise our discretion. The danger 
is that ordinary readers should thus resign themselves, and be unawares 
led into what we think to be error. 



Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift fur Englisch-Theologische Forschung und 

Kritik. Herausgegeben von Dr. M. Heidenheim. Numbers VI. f 

VI., VII. Gotha: Perthes. 
Part VI. of Dr. Heidenheim' s journal contains a paper founded on 
Dean Stanley's Eastern Churches, and one upon the cities of the 
Levi tea. There are also articles upon several other interesting topics, 
among which we observe one about the Codex Sinaiticus, and another 
describing certain Phoenician coins. Finally, the part contains notices 
of several English books recently published. 

Part VII. contains several matters of interest, including the text 
and translation (by Mr. R. P. Smith) of the Samaritan Chronicle of 
Abn '1 Fatah. Another is an article on Syrian hymnology; and 
another, and the most interesting, is a transcript of Jude from the 
Vatican MS., printed in uncials, with a few notes. 

This serial frequently contains articles of value to the student, and 
its editor manifestly endeavours to adapt it to this country as well as to 
Germany. We wish he may be well supported and successful in his 
learned labours. 



God's Way of Holiness. By Horatius Bonar, D.D. London: 
James Nisbet and Co. 

Religion, as destined to elevate and bless our whole nature, may be 
viewed in its threefold relations, to the intellectual, moral, and physical 
powers of man. To the understanding it is the way of truth ; to the 
heart it is the way of peace ; and to the life it is the way of holiness. 
The religion which does not combine all these is radically and fatally 
defective. Man is so constituted, however, that he is prone to take a 
partial view of religion, and to walk accordingly, lie is likely to fall 
into no mistake more than he is to be unfaithful to the way of holiness. 



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248 Notices of Books. [October, 

Such being our sentiments, we are pleased to find so earnest, popular, 
and scriptural a writer as Dr. Bonar giving us his thoughts about the 
way of holiness. " The same who said, * Follow peace with all men/ 
said also, * And holiness without which no man shall see the Lord/ " 
The present volume comprises nine chapters printed in a large clear 
type, and thirty-four pages of notes. We are grateful to the author 
for this faithful and zealous testimony in favour of holiness. We have 
been forgetting that Godliness is not a mere form, and creeds, and 
ordinances, and knowledge, but " the life of God in the soul of man ;" 
we therefore want helps and stimulants to holiness, such helps and 
stimulants as shall impel us in the right direction. There is much 
thought in the book, and like all the works of the same writer, it is 
suggestive of thought. On the whole we much like the book. 

John Calvin : the Man and the Doctrine. A Tercentenary Memorial. 
By Alexander Thomson, A.M. London : Jackson, Walford, and 
Hodder. 

Tnis essay was read before the Congregational Union in May last. 
We are glad of the opportunity of reminding some persons, that whole- 
sale and indiscriminate vituperation and condemnation of John Calvin 
is by no means a righteous act. The teachings of John Calvin had 
immense influence in this country, in State as well as in Church, three 
centuries ago ; and it is sheer folly to suppose that they can be eliminated 
from our national Christianity. We may denounce his u inexorable 
logic," but do we ever reflect how much we owe to that logic ? or that 
logic has been defined as "the right use of reason?" The phrase at 
least should not be used, or if used should not be invidious, inasmuch 
as we cannot get rid of two texts of the New Testament (Rom. xii. 1 ; 
1 Peter ii. 1), to the Greek of which we refer our readers. That John 
Calvin was something more than "inexorable logic," is made tolerably 
plain by the very interesting and well-written essay before us. Here 
in half an hour, and for a few pence, those who have not chronic 
Calvinophobia may find what will do them good. We do not mean 
to say we go so far as Mr. Thomson, but it is simply our duty to listen 
to men who have studied the great man, John Calvin, and not to take 
our cue from those who know nothing about him except that he was 
not an Arminian, and consented to the death of the Unitarian fire- 
brand, Servctus. Do they, in fact, know even so much, except as idle 
traditions which they have picked up somewhere ? It is very likely that 
those who denounce the predestinarianism of Calvin, do not all know 
that Arminianism is more recent as a system than his day, and that 
some of the schoolmen and fathers, and, above all, Augustine of Hippo, 
taught a prodestinarian doctrine which it would be hard to distinguish 
from that of Calvin. Men talk as if Calvin invented the doctrine 
of election, and they talk very absurdly, the truth simply being that 
Calvin makes a very good target because he really advocated that doc- 
trine, and made himself distasteful to Papists and Episcopalians gene- 
rally, as well as to Unitarians. On the whole, it is much more con- 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 249 

venient to denounce Calvin than Augustine, but it would be much 
better to understand if not to refute them. 



Memoir of the Life and Episcopate of Dr. William Bedell, Lord 
Bishop of Kilmore. By his Son-in-law, the Rev. Alexander 
Clogy, M.A. Printed for the first time (with illustrative notes) 
from the original MS. in the Harleian collection, British Museum. 
London : Wertheim, Mackintosh, and Hunt. 

The editor of this volume, Mr. W. Walker Wilkins, has performed a 
service which will be very acceptable to the admirers of the good 
Bishop of Kilmore. Mr. Clogy's narrative is one of unusual interest, 
and our only wonder is that it has been allowed to slumber so long 
unpublished. Bishop Bedell was a man of rare parts and learning, and 
of apostolical piety and zeal ; so much so, that Coleridge had good 
reason to call him "the most faultless character in all ecclesiastical 
history." If this praise is thought excessive, we are quite sure that 
the excellent prelate to whom it was given was one of the best of men, 
and one whose name deserves to be had in affectionate and reverent 
remembrance by all Christians. His life, which extended from 1570 
to 1642, was a chequered one, and cannot be studied without profit and 
instruction. To the original memoir the editor has added a number of 
useful illustrative and explanatory notes. We value the book for the 
light it sheds upon the times in which the bishop lived, as well as for 
the information ho curious and varied which it supplies respecting the 
man himself. For the present we can only thus briefly introduce this 
work to the notice of our readers, but we hope they will be induced to 
accept our hearty recommendation of it, and to procure it for their own 
perusal. 

An Apology for the Adoption of Pcedobaptism. By Rev. John R. S. 

Harington. London : Snow. 
In this little pamphlet, the author intimates that he was a student in a 
Baptist College, but became a convert to Pasdobaptist principles. 
This is the only point on which he seems to have undergone a change 
of view, and therefore he naturally attached himself to the branch of 
the Congregationalists which practise the baptism of infants. The 
essay is a statement of the grounds upon which the writer was led to 
adopt the Paedobaptist opinions. Such as are at all concerned in this 
discussion will be interested in Mr. Harington's straightforward and 
intelligent statement 



Sundry Quarterlies, etc, — The London Quarterly Review for 
July contains a paper on Hannah's Bampton Lectures, and one upon 
Recent Theological Translations. The American Quarterly Church 
Review for July has four papers which we may mention : Uses and 
Abuses of Fiction; on Papal and Protestant Missions; Canon Words- 
worth and Anglo- Italian Catholicity; Syllabus of Christian Doctrine. 
The American Christian Examiner for May has a paper on the 



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250 Notices of Books. [October, 

Evangelist's Debt to the critic. The American BibUotheca Sacra for 
July has a paper on the Authorship of the Pentateuch ; another on 
the Authorship of the Apocalypse ; a third on the Doctrine of God's 
Providence ; and a fourth is " Whedon on the Will." De Pressens^s 
Bulletin Theologique for June has a critical study on St. John's Gospel. 
Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift (part iii., 1864) has an essay upon German 
materialism and theology ; and also one on St. Mark's Gospel, and the 
Mark-hypothesis. The Journal of the American Oriental Society has 
articles on the Spiritual Life of the Soffees, and ' Materials for the 
history of the Muhaminadan Doctrine of Predestination and Free-will ; 
also, The Revelation of the Blessed Apostle Paul, translated from an 
ancient Syriac MS. (We hope to reprint this.) The Christian Remem- 
brancer for July has a paper on Textual Criticism of the New Testa- 
ment. The Zeitschrift der Deulschen Morgenland. Qesellschaft has a 
very interesting account of the old MSS. of the Pentateuch possessed by 
the Samaritans. Dr. Rosen, the writer, gives several facsimiles. 



We have received the following: — 



A Book for Young Women. By the Wife of a Clergyman. Eighth edition. 

London : Wertheim and Macintosh. 
A Book for Wives and Mothers. By the author of " A Book for Young Women." 

Third edition. London : Wertheim and Macintosh. 
A Plea for the Ancient Charitable Foundation of Rugby School By A. H. 

Wratislaw, M. A. London : Bell and Daldy. 
Daniel the Prophet. Nine Lectures delivered in the Divinity School of the 

University of Oxford, with copious notes. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 

Oxford : J. H. and J. Parker. London : Rivingtons. 
Does the Cap Fit ? In five small chapters. By the author of " Little Martha's 

Bible." London : Wertheim, Macintosh, and Hunt. 
Gleanings from British and Irish Ecclesiastical History ; from the Introduction 

of Christianity to the period of the Reformation. By the Hon. Barbara 

Bedford. London : W. Macintosh. 
Homely Truths set forth in a homely style. 
Life, the day for work ; exemplified in a brief Memoir (with extracts from her 

letters and diary) of the late Mrs. Baylie. London: Wertheim and 

Macintosh. 
Man : his true nature and ministry. From the French of Louis Claude do Saint 

Martin. By E. B. Penny. London : W. Allan and Co. 
Religious Reformation imperatively demanded. Bishop Colenso's critical in- 
quiries answered, the inspiration of Scripture maintained. By James 

Biden. London : Simpkin, Marshall, and Co. 
Report of three days' Meetings for Prayer and Addresses on the sure word of 

Prophecy; held in Freemasons' Hall, May 9th, 10th, and 12th, 1864. London: 

William Yapp. 
The English Bible : containing the Old and New Testaments according to the 

Authorized Version : newlv divided into paragraphs ; with concise intro- 
ductions to the several books, notes, etc., etc. London : Simpkin, Marshall, 

and Co. 
The Scriptural account of the Creation and Deluge ; with roference to modern 

Geology. By Richard Gwatkin, B.D., F.G.S. Torquay : Cock re n. 



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1864.] Notices of Books. 251 

The Second Death. London : Church Press Company. 

True Revival ; its nature, signs, results, and blessedness. Four short sermons 
By the Rev. R. H. Baynes. London : Wertheim, Macintosh, and Hunt. 

Recent Foreign Books. 

Alaux, J. E. — La Philosophic de M. Cousin. 

Augustin, Saint. — (Euvres completes. Traduites pour la premiere fois en 
francais, sous la direction de M. Poujoulat et de M. l'abbe* Raulx. T. I". 

Besson, l'abbe\ — L'Homme-Dieu, conferences de Besancon. 

Bibelwerk, theologisch-homiletiscbes. Hrsg. v. J. P. Lange. Des AJten Tes- 
tamentes. Die Genesis od. das 1. Buch Mose. Theologisch-homiletisch 
bearb. v. Consist. R. Prof. Dr. J. P. Lange. Dasselbe. Des Neuen Testa- 
mentes. Die beiden Briefe Pauli an die Thessalonicher. Theologisch- 
homiletisch bearb. v. Prof. Dr. C. A. Auberlen u. Prof. Dr. C. J. Riggen- 
bach. 

Boissonnais, L. — Doctrine de la nonvelle e*cole, d'apres MM. Re*ville, A Coquerel 
fils et Colani. 

Bottcher, Dr. Frdr., Nene exegetisch-kritische Achrenlese zum Alten Testa- 
mente. 2. Abth. 1 Re gum — Psalmi. Nach dem Tode des Verf. hrsg. v. 
Dr. Fcrd. Miihlau. 

Brugsch, Henri, Materiaux pour servir a la reconstruction du calendrier des 
anciens Egvptiens. Partie theorique, accompagnle de 13 planches lith. 

Buch, das, Ochfan Wochlah fMassora]. Hrsg., iibers u. m. erlaut. Anmerkgn. 
versehen nach e., soweit bekannt, einzigen, in der kaiserl. Bibliothek zu 
Paris befindl. Handschrift v. Oberlehr. Dr. S. Frensdorff. 

Carayon, le P. A. — Bibliographic historique de la compagnie de Jesus, ou Cata- 
logue des ouvrages relatits a l'histoire des J£suites depuis leur origine jusqu'a 
nos jours. 

Casinius, Ant. — Qu'est-ce que l'homme? ou Controverse sur l'e*tat de pure 
nature. Edition enricbie de notes et remarques, par le docteur J. Scheepen. 
Traduite et augmented d'une preface par M. Pabbe Cros. 

Christian, P. — Le Catechisme en histoires. 

Colani, T. — Examen de la Vie de J^sus de M. Renan. 

Coquerel, Etienne. — Libe*raux et orthodoxes. Conferences pastorales. 

Coquerel fils, Athanase. — Le Catholicisme et la Protestantisme consideres dans 
leur origine et leur developpement. Deux conferences. 

Darras, l'aboe J. E. — Histoire de N.-S. J£sus Christ, exposition des saints 
eYangiles. 

Das Leben Jesu. Vorlesungen an der Universifat zu Berlin im Jahr 1832 
gehalten von Dr. Friedrich Schleiermacher. (From the author's MS. and 
reports of Students). By K. A. Rutenik. Berlin : Reimer. 

Die Israeliten zu Mekka von David's Zeit bis in's fiinfte Jahrhundert unsrer 
Zeitrechnung. Ein Beitrag zur Alttestamentlichcn Kritik und zur 
Erforschung des Ursprungs des Islams. Von Dr. R. Dozy. (Aus dem 
Hollandischen TJebersetzt). Leipzig. 1864. 

Die heilige Schrift neuen Testaments zusammenbangend untersucht. Von 
Dr. J. Chr. K. v. Hofman (Erlangen). 2 section, second part. Nordlingcn. 

Dr. A. Neandcr's Vorlesungen ttber Geschichte der Christliche Ethik. Heraus- 
gegeben von Dr. David Erdmann. Berlin. 

Evangelise he Glaubenslehre nach Schrift und Erfahrung von Harmon Plitt. 

Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum ex codice Vaticano Palrostino deprompsit, 
edidit, latino vertit, prolegomenis ac glossario adornavit comes Franc. 
Miniscalchi Erizzo. Tomus 1. 

Ewald, H., Abhandlung iib. die grosse Karthagische u. andere neuentdeckte 
Phbnikische Tnschriften. 

Felix, le R. P. — Je"sus-Christ et la Critique nouvelle. Conferences. 

Gaume, Mgr.— Traite* du Saint- Esprit, coraprcnant l'histoire gdnerale des doux 
esprits qui se disputent l'empire du monde et des deux citGs qu'ils ont 
fornixes, avec les preuves de la divinity du Saint-Esprit. 



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252 Notices of Books. [October, 

Geiger, Rabb. Dr. Abr., das Judenthum n. seine Geschichte. In 12 Vorlesgn. 

Rebst e. Anb. : Ein Blict aus die neuesten Bearbeitgn. d. Lebens Jesa. 
Guizot. — Meditations sur l'essence de la religion chrllienne. 
Hilgenfcld, Prof. Dr. A., Bnrdesanes, der letzte Gnostiker. 
Histoire da Canon des Saintes Ecrkures dans l'Eglise Chrltienne. Ed. Reoss. 

Second edition. 
Hoffmann, Dr. W., ein Jabr der Gnade in Jesu Christo. Predigten iib. die 

Evangelien aus alle Sonn, Fest. u. Feiertage. Mit kurzen Betrachtgn. iib. 

die einzelnen Zeiten d. Kirchenjabres. 3 Abth. 
Ibn Hiscbam, Abd el-Malik, das Leben Mohammed's nacb Mohammed Ibn. Ishak 

bearb. Aus d. Arab, ubers. v. Prof. Dr. Gust. Weil. 2 Bde. 
Instruction synodale de Mgr I'Evdque do Poitiers sur les princi pales erreurs du 

temps present. 
Javal, Julien. — La Question religieuse au xix e siecle. 
Justi, Ferd., Handbuch der Zendsprache. Altbactrisches Worterbucb. Grara- 

matik. Chrestomathie. 
Keil, Carl Frdr., u. Frz. Delitzsch, biblischer Commentar tib. das Alte Testa- 
ment. Die Bticher Samuels. 
Lafont. — Preuves Ividentes de la divinity de Je'sus-Christ. 
Laurent de Saint- Aignan, l'abbe. — La Terre Sainte. Description complete de 

tous les lieux ceiebres de la Palestine. In-8, avec cartes, plane et grav. 
Mbrle, J. G. C, Palastina. Geschichte u. Bescbreibung v. heiligen Landes. 

Fiir Yolkssehulen bearb. Mit 1 (lith.) Kartchen. 
Miiller, Dr. Alois, Esmun. Ein Beitrag zur Mythologie d. oriental. Alterthums. 
Otto, Prof. Dr. J. C. T., d. Patriarchen Gennadios v. Konstantinopel Confession, 

Kritiscb untersucbt u. brsg. Nebst e. Excurs iib. Arethas' Zeitalter. 
Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor: Burchadus de Monte Sion, Riccoldus do 

Monte Crucis, Odoricus de foro Julii, Wilbrandus de Oldenborg, quorum 

duos nunc primum edidit, duos ad fidcru librorum mscr. recensuit J. C. M. 

Laurent. 
Pobimann, Prof. Dr. Ant., Sancti Ephraemi Syri commentariorum in sacram 

scripturam textus in codicibus Vaticonis manuscriptus et ineditione Romana 

iinpressus. Comraentatio critica. Part. 2. 
Rcnan, Ernest. — Trois inscriptions ph&iiciennes trouv£es a Oumm-el-Awamid. 
Rcusch, Prof. Dr. Fr. Heinr., Lehrbuch der Einleitung in das Alte Testament. 

2, verb. Ausl. 
Reuss, Ed. — Histoirc de la Theol. Chre*tienne au siecle Apostolique. 3rd Ed. 
Reuss, Ed. — Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften Neues Testamentes. 4 aufl. 
Schenkel, Prof. Dr. Dan., das Charakterbild Jesu. Ein bibl. Versuch 3 aufl. 
Scriptorum Grreciee orthodoxy bibliotheca selecta. Ex. codicibus manuscripts 

partim novis curis recensuit partim nunc primum emit Dr. Hugo Laemmer. 

Vol. I. Sectt. 1 et 2. 
Tauler's, Job., Predigten. Nach den besten Ausg. in die jetzige Scbriftspracbe 

iibertragen. 2 Aufl. Neue Bearb. v. Dr. Jul. Hamberger. 
Ueberweg, Prof. Dr. Frdr., Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophic von 

Thales bis auf die Gegenwart. Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie 

der patristichen Zeit. 
Vorlesungen iiber Neutestament-liche Theologie. Von Dr. Ferd. Christian 

Baur. Edited by Ferd. Fried. Baur. 
Vullers, Joa. Aug., Lexicon Persico-Latinum etymologicum cum Unguis maxime 

cognatis Sanscrita et Zendica et Pehlevica comparatum, e lexicis persice 

scriptis Borh&ni Qatiu, Haft Qulzum et Bahari agam et Persico-Turcico 

Farhangi-Sbuuri confectum, etc. Accedit appendix vocum dialecti antiqui- 

oris, Zend et Pazcnd dictae. 
Zur Geschichte der Neuesten Theologie. Dr. Carl Schwartz. 3rd Ed. 
Zwci Bilingue Papyrus die wichtigsten schriftdenkmaler zur entzifferung Alt- 

iig) ptischer Texto, nachst den inschriften von Rosette. Dr. II. BrugBch* 



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1864,] ( 253 ) 

MISCELLANIES. 



Early Christian Glass. — For many years great interest has been felt in 
the catacombs of Rome and their contents. Intimately connected as they 
are with the early history of Christianity, with the struggling Church and 
her martyrs, it is not surprising that the relics derived from them should 
have been, and still continue to be, much valued. Among these there 
are few more curious than the fragments of ornamented glass. They 
consist of portions of vessels with designs in gold leaf enclosed between 
two layers of glass, and thus protected from the destructive effect of time. 
They may be divided into two classes, viz., 1st. The larger medallions, 
apparently the bottoms of shallow bowls, in which the designs have clear 
white glass backgrounds, with touches of colour in a few rare instances 
on the dresses. 2nd. The smaller medallions, probably from the sides of 
vessels, in which the backgrounds are coloured, the tints being generally 
blue, violet, green, or amber-colour. 

These fragments are found stuck externally into the mortar with which 
the loculi or tombs were closed ; they seem to have been generally inserted 
in a fragmentary state, the sides of the glass bowl having been occasionally 
trimmed off with care so as to leave a circular medallion. Glass vessels 
entire are also to be found fixed in the mortar, but they are of different 
form, being deep cups or bottles of plain glass, and appear to have been 
intended for liquids. It is about these that so much discussion has been 
raised in recent times, as to whether they contained wine or the blood of 
martyrs. 

The object of fixing the gilt glass on the outsides of the tombs has 
never been explained, unless for mere ornament ; nor has it been satis- 
factorily decided to what use the vessels from which the fragments are 
derived were applied ; their form does not fit them for chalices, and the 
inscriptions and occasioual pagan subjects do not accord with such a 
use. The best suggestion seems to be that they were for the Agapae, or 
love-feasts of the Christians, which are known to have been held at the 
tombs of martyrs. Another difficulty has not been solved, which is that 
they are not found anywhere but at Rome, and there only in the cata- 
combs. 

These representations have a peculiar value from their genuine nature. 
Fresco paintings may have been restored or meddled with both in ancient 
and modern times, but these designs are protected from destruction by 
the vitreous coat with which they are covered, and are from their nature 
exempt from all tampering. Their small size, moreover, fits them to be 
taken into foreign lands, and to be the representatives of the earliest Chris- 
tian art in countries to which neither the paintings nor sarcophagi could 
conveniently be carried. 

The range of subjects is not very great, and from the nature of the 
work they are treated in a simple way without background or a multi- 
plicity of figures. 

The subjects from the Old Testament are as follows:— The Tempta- 



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254 Miscellanies. [October, 

tion of Adam and Eve, Noah in the Ark, Sacrifice of Abel, Moses strik- 
ing the Rock, the Spies, Tobit and the Fish, the Fiery Furnace, Daniel 
and the Dragon, History of Jonah, and the sacred ornaments in the 
Temple, especially the golden candlestick. 

Among those from the history of the New Testament is the Pastor 
Bonus, Bust of Christ, Miracle of Cana, Miracle of the loaves, Raising of 
Lazarus, the Paralytic Man. 

The subjects from early Christian history comprise figures of St. 
Peter and St. Paul, in a few cases accompanying the Virgin, early 
Roman bishops and saints, such as St. Timothy, St. Xystus, St. Agnes, 
etc. 

There are a few subjects of a domestic character, such as portraits 
of men with their wives and children ; sometimes with, sometimes with- 
out, the Christian monogram. Others of Pagan, or at any rate not avowedly 
Christian, origin, viz., representations of coins, the three Monetae, Daedalus, 
chariots and games, Pagan divinities, animals and inscriptions. 

The period to which these objects may be referred is probably the 
third and the fourth centuries after Christ. From the occurrence among 
the designs of representations of coins of Caracalla, it has been con- 
jectured that some of the specimens are as early as the reign of that 
emperor. Buonarotti was disposed to assign them chiefly to the time of 
the Gordians and two Philips ; but among the designs are representations 
of St. Vincentius martyred in Spain, under Dacian, and of Marcellinus, 
Bishop of Rome, put to death under Diocletian. Moreover, the costumes 
of some of the figures, and the peculiar names and orthography, indicate 
a date not earlier than the fourth century. 

From the period to which they belong and the nature of their work- 
manship, these little pictures possess no great merit as specimens of art. 
They exhibit, moreover, occasionally what must be looked upon as mere 
blunders of the workmen employed in making them. For the history of 
Christian iconography, however, they furnish us with very precious 
materials, fully compensating for their rudeness and want of merit in an 
artistic point of view. 

The most remarkable specimens in the Matarozzi Collection are the 
following : — 

1. A circular medallion, 3£ inches in diameter, engraved in Garrucci 
(pi. iii., fig. 13). It represents Daniel and the Dragon. The subject is 
in a square panel : at the extreme right is seen the head of the dragon, 
rising apparently from rocks : Daniel, in a short dress, is giving the cake 
of pitch, fat, and hair to the dragon, and turns his head away so as to 
face the spectator : behind him is a figure with nimbus, clad in a longer 
dress, which he holds up with his left hand, while with his right he 
extends a staff towards Daniel. This figure is identical with that of 
Christ when working miracles, as represented in other specimens of cata- 
comb glass : for instance, in the raising of Lazarus (Garrucci, pi. viii., 
fig. 7), and it may perhaps have been introduced to mark the divine pro- 
tection and influence under which Daniel acted. This medallion furnishes 
us with the only complete representation of the subject to be found in the 
catacomb glasses, and it explains several medallions of the smaller variety 



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1864.] Miscellanies. 255 

with coloured grounds, where a figure is to be seen holding a cake. This 
has been erroneously explained by Padre Garrucci as one of the three 
kings or magi, a subject not found on this class of Christian art. It has 
been already suggested that the smaller medallions were inserted in the 
sides of glass vessels; by adding two other medallions, one with a dragon, 
and the other with a figure of Christ with a staff (both of which occur), 
the subject would be rendered complete. 

2. Medallion, 3 inches in diameter, representing Moses striking the 
rock, engraved in Garrucci (pi. ii., fig. 10). This is the only large repre- 
sentation of the subject on the catacomb glass. Moses is represented in 
the ordinary Roman dress, striking the rock with a wand; below the 
stream of water an Israelite is bending on one knee. Around is inscribed 
hilabis pie zeses cvm TVis in DEO: "Drink, Hilaris, may you live 
with yours in God." There is a singular symbolical treatment of this 
subject, engraved in Garrucci (pi. x., fig. 9), where St. Peter, with his 
usual tonsured head, takes the place of Moses, and for fear of error, his 
name is introduced at the side. 

3. Medallion, 4 inches in diameter with busts of St. Peter and St. 
Paul (Garrucci, pi. xii., fig. 4). The two saints have peculiar tonsures, 
differing from those now used in the Roman Church : between them is a* 
figure of Christ, youthful and beardless, holding a crown over each of 
them. The inscription here is bicvlivs dignitas amicorvm vivas 
pie zeses : " Viculius, an honour to your friends, may you live. Drink 
[and] live." 

4. A large medallion, 5 inches in diameter, representing St. Peter and 
St. Paul seated in chairs, with a wreath between them (Garrucci, pi. xiv., 
fig. 4). 

5. A circular medallion, 3 J inches in diameter; divided in two by a 
horizontal line (Garrucci, pi. xvii., fig. 2). In the upper part are four 
beardless figures standing between columns and holdiug rolls : the names 
of only three of them are preserved, viz., pavlus, systvs, lavrentevs. 
In the lower compartment are three busts. That in the centre is an aged 
tonsured head, misnamed cristvs; the other two are inscribed ippo- 
litys and timotevs. The word Cristus may possibly be a mistake for 
Calistus. Of these personages, St. Hippolytus suffered martyrdom iu 
257, and St. Sixtus and St. Laurence in the following year. 

6. A remarkable medallion, 3 J inches in diameter, with a square panel 
enclosing a bust of the Saviour, beardless, and with hair short in front 
and hanging down behiud, so as to rest on the shoulders in large masses. 
At the corners are four beardless busts (Garrucci, pi. xviii., fig 1). 

7. A fragment with another bust of the Saviour enclosed in a circle, 
and represented as the last. Around are the remains of an arcade, which 
has been supported by six columns, with draped figures between them 
(Garrucci, pi. xviii., fig. 2). 

These two specimens seem to furnish the best representations of the 
Saviour to be found on the catacomb glasses, and are of great value in an 
iconographic point. In both cases they are inscribed cristvs, and are 
without any nimbus. 

8. A medallion, unfortunately much injured; diameter, 4 inches 



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256 Miscellanies. [October. 

(Gamicci, pi. xxix., fig 4). It represents a Roman with his wife and two 
children, all standing. Above is the inscription, pompeiane teodora 
vivatis : " Porapeianus [and] Theodora, may you live." Their faith is 
indicated by the monogram of Christ placed between them. 

9. A circular medallion, in fine preservation ; 3£ inches in diameter 
(Garrucci, pi. xxxix., fig. 5, and d'Agincourt, Pittura, pi. xii). It repre- 
sents busts of Severus, Cosmas, and their child Lea. 

10. A circular medallion, 4 inches in diameter (Garrucci, pi. xxxv., 
fig. 1, and Passeri, Lucernae Pictiles, vol. iii., pi. xcii). This is the most 
remarkable specimen in the Collection ; not only from the unquestionably 
pagan character of the representation upon it, but also from the occurrence 
of some coloured details on the dresses. It represents busts of a Roman 
and his wife ; on their dresses are touches of an opaque dull red and a pale 
opaque blue enamel. Between them, on a circular stand, is a figure of 
Hercules with his club and lion's skin, and holding in his hand the apples 
of St. Hesperides. Around is the inscription, orfitvs et costantia in 

NOMINE HEECVLIS ACERENTINO FELICES BIBATIS : " OrfitUS and Con* 

stantia, in the Acheruntine, name of Hercules may you live (or drink) 
m happy." The title Acheruntinus as applied to Hercules is known and is 
applied to him in connection with one of his labours — the descent into 
Hades to fetch up Cerberus, whom he found on the banks of the Acheron. 
As Horace says, " Perrupit Achcronta Herculeus labor." Such a design 
would be considered appropriate on a cup to be used in a marriage, as 
Hercules was famous for his numerous progeny ; while there may be also 
some allusion to his having brought back Alcestis from the shores of the 
Acheron to her faithful spouse Admetus. — The Fine ArU Quarterly 
Review, May, 1864. 

The Rev. P. S. Desprez, of Alvediston, Salisbury," proposes to publish 
a new exposition of Daniel and of the Revelation of St. John. The 
former part, already near completion, will consist of a continuous inter- 
pretation of the elder Apocalypse, and will be divided into ten chapters, of 
which the substance of the ninth is given in the present number of this 
Journal. The latter, consisting also of ten chapters, will be devoted to 
the revived examination of the second Apocalypse, a subject upon which 
some attention has been already bestowed. The author requests those 
who are interested in the matter to encourage him in his undertaking, by 
ordering (from him) copies of the work beforehand ; his circumstances 
not allowing him to incur the sole risk of publication. The price of the 
work will be about 12s. 

« Author of TJie Apocalypse Fulfilled. Third Edition. 1861. 



To Readebs and Correspondents. 

Although the present Number contains eight pages extra, the Editor regrets tin 

non-publication of some important matters, owing to circumstances 

over which he lias no control. 



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THE 

JOURNAL 

OP 



SACRED LITERATURE 



AND 



BIBLICAL RECORD. 



No. XII.— JANUARY, 1865. 



OF THE NATUBE AND EXTENT OF DIVINE INSPIRATION: 

ILLUSTRATED BY EXTRACTS FROM VARIOUS AUTHORS. 

I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

The subject upon which we now enter is one of great and 
growing importance. There are men of scientific habits, whe- 
ther their predilections are in favour of physical, mental, or 
moral science, who have arrived at conclusions which militate 
against the common faith. There are men of learning, and 
with a reputation as scholars and critics, who have moved in the 
same direction. What these think, is already known to many 
who labour at the anvil, the loom, and the plough. In work- 
shops and on the highways, as well as in halls of science and 
colleges, the fact of divine inspiration and intervention is freely 
discussed. While, however, many have abandoned long-esta- 
blished and dearly-cherished opinions, there are many in each of 
the enquiring classes who have remained faithful to recognized 
and catholic doctrine, and who believe, as they always have 
believed, in a real, direct, and distinct divine inspiration of the 
authors of the Bible. But it is not to be denied that the ten- 
dency to reject the special and immediate action of the Almighty, 
both in nature and in religion, has grown very strong in more 
directions than one. At the same time those who reduce that 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XII. S 



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258 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

action to the minimum, as it regards creation, the course of 
nature, providence, and so forth, seldom exclude it in every 
sense from religion. But the result of an impression produced 
thousands of years or of ages ago, must be distinguished from a 
constant, an immediate, or an intentional influence; and a 
character given to human mind as human mind, must not be 
confounded with a specific action exercised upon an individual, 
and limited to him. Did the Almighty create the universe at 
first, and endow certain parts of it with powers of production 
and reproduction, of development, repeated action, and self- 
preservation, and leave it, to run its round, whether for a time 
or for ever? Is He only the framer of a vast machine in which 
all the parts move by rule and law, which needs not or has not 
his actual, present superintendence and control, and which is 
under no restraint except that of a finite and limited nature ? 
Has He withdrawn from the work of his own hands, and retired 
again to the solitude of his own eternal self-sufficiency ? Does 
He sit in his inaccessible glory, as in some lofty Olympus, to 
watch, or not to watch, the motions of the creatures He has 
fashioned ? Or does He still take some actual interest in this 
work of his, and in any way control, moderate, or interfere 
with its action ? If He interferes, is it in that which is physical, 
moral, or intellectual? If with one, why not with all, since 
his perfection must comprise all these ? If with all, when, how, 
how far, and why ? 

So far as we are able to perceive, science and philosophy 
cannot go far towards answering these questions. Science deals 
with facts, and with phenomena ; and it may reason upon all 
the causes which the schoolmen have imagined, but facts and 
phenomena are its true domain, whether isolated, or in certain 
relations and connections. Causes, whether first causes, secondary 
causes, or any other, are often difficult to discover, define, de- 
monstrate, and always involve some question which science can- 
not answer. It is owing to this that we have so many explana- 
tions of one and the same phenomenon. The variations of 
science are as notorious as those of religious sects. That which 
is accepted as scientific to-day, may be effete to-morrow. Under 
all circumstances, therefore, we decline to accept the dicta of 
science as final, if nowhere else, yet at least in regard to the 
supernatural. Yet amid the throng of questions which science 
is now forcing upon our attention, no one is really more un- 
mistakeable than that of the supernatural, or the part which 
God has in nature, in miracles, and in revelation. The daring 
of science in reference to the supernatural has in our day 
attained, we hope, its extremest limits. We own there are not 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 259 

a few things in the Bible which are mysterious and obscure, and 
which may be explained as hyperbolical and metaphorical, but 
it undoubtedly teaches the distinct formation of man and other 
animals, by the divine Hand, much as they are : but if we are 
to believe some of our philosophers, God never actually made 
man at all'; He made only the germs and rudiments which, by a 
series of progressive developments continued through an untold 
series of ages, have branched out into higher forms of life, more 
perfect and elaborate organizations, and nobler sentient or 
mental conformations. It is true that the rude acorn may pro- 
duce an oak, with root, stem, branches, and fruit ; but it does 
not follow that the oak thus developed from the acorn will or 
can produce acorns which in turn shall produce something better 
than an oak. The only alternation which we have been able to 
find recorded in history, is that from the full-grown organism 
to the germ, and from the germ to the full-grown organism : 
the oak has always produced the acorn, and the acorn has 
always produced the oak. 

While we have one class of philosophers reasoning upon 
normal resemblances, typical forms, and possible developments, 
we have another trying to shew that actual differences preclude 
the idea of a common origin, even for those races which are 
most nearly alike. They ask, How can the Kaffir and the 
Caucasian both alike descend from Adam? The others ask, 
Why Kaffir and Caucasian may not have descended from, or 
arisen out of, far lower forms of animal life ? On the face of it, 
each of these enquiries is hostile to the Bible, which teaches us 
that all men have sprung from one Adam, and that animals in 
general were created much as we find them. The Bible is the 
one point where these two schools come into contact, and from 
which they both turn away in doubting whether God has really 
made things what they are. 

And now to come more directly to the question before us, 
Is there any good reason to believe that God ever acts upon 
mind, upon men's inner, nobler, moral, intellectual, or spiritual 
nature ? The general belief is that this is possible ; and there 
neither are nor have been many religious creeds which have not 
recognized a distinct divine influence upon human nature, — an 
influence not uniform, but exceptional and special, although 
profoundly real. The Jews maintain that it is owing to some 
such influence, in certain forms and degrees, that we owe the 
books of the Old Testament. This influence is what we call 
inspiration. So far as we have been able to find, Christians in 
all ages, and in every part of the world, and of every sect, agree 
with the Jews that the Old Testament was given by inspiration, 

s2 



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260 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

and differ from them substantially in this, that they extend the 
idea to the New Testament. But those who thus generally 
admit as a fact the divine inspiration of the Scriptures or of 
their writers, exhibit serious disagreements as to the explanation 
of that fact. There have always been some, and of late years 
many, who have believed in the distinct inspiration of every sen- 
tence, word, and letter ; so that the sacred penmen did no more 
than write an accurate copy of what the Holy Spirit dictated. 

Some maintain that the divine inspiration is that of ideas ; 
that the thoughts and sense were given by the Holy Spirit, and 
the language was that of the individual writers. 

Some hold that only the prophetic messages are verbally 
inspired, and that for the other portions of the Scriptures the 
degree of inspiration, as well as its form, varied with the cha- 
racter of what was written, so that in such portions the writers 
were moved to write, generally directed in the selection of topics, 
and preserved from error. 

Some are of opinion that, properly speaking, inspiration is 
only that of prophecies and all facts beyond the knowledge of 
the sacred penmen, and of religious and possibly of moral truths. 

Some look upon inspiration as little more than suggestion, 
or prompting and superintendence. 

Some regard it as almost, if not quite, identical with that 
mysterious influence by which men in all ages and countries 
appear to have been stimulated to the utterance of noble and 
lofty truths and sentiments. 

We shall not criticize these various explanations, but in the 
face of a strong tendency to materialism, we had almost said 
fatalism, the worship of natural law, the canonization of doubt, 
and the apotheosis of reason, it is absolutely necessary that 
something should be done by those who admit divine inspiration 
as a fact. Can there not be something like joint action among 
us? We think there can; because, 1, no definite theory of 
inspiration seems to be laid down in the Bible itself : none at 
least which is unmistakeable ; and, 2, there is no uniform rule 
or theory propounded by ancient Christian writers and councils, 
nor by authors of more recent date. A certain liberty seems to 
have been generally conceded as to the explanation of the one 
great fact which is everywhere either assumed, or stated, or 
proved, or implied, while inspiration is not authoritatively 
defined. The dogma of inspiration is catholic, but there is no 
catholic doctrine of inspiration. It is in vain that our eye wan- 
ders over the confessions of faith and articles of what may be 
called orthodox churches in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies. Our search for an official definition of inspiration among 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 261 

these, is as hopeless as a like search among the canons and creeds 
of the preceding ages. We meet everywhere with the fact, 
implied or asserted, and the theology of every period furnishes 
us with valuable indications of the ideas which were prevalent. 
But why did no church feel called upon to pronounce authorita- 
tively upon this matter? Why? Because the recognition of 
the fact was regarded as the one thing essential, and because 
explanations and theories were viewed as secondary and subordi- 
nate. It is another fact, that both in the Eastern and the 
Western churches of early times, the words theopneustia and 
inspiratio were used with considerable latitude of meaning. 
Both these terms were predicated of writings other than the 
canonical, and of persons who took no part in writing the sacred 
canon. This fact is of some importance, because it shews that 
the words were not understood as of necessity implying that 
literal and verbal plenary inspiration for which some now plead. 
Yet it can hardly be said that the true doctrine of inspiration 
was only partially understood till these last days, because we find 
every essential and important doctrine of religion in the writings 
of every age of the Church. 



II. EXTRACTS FROM VARIOUS AUTHORS. 

The preceding remarks will, it is hoped, prepare the reader 
for diversities of opinion in the extracts which follow. These 
extracts have been mostly selected intentionally from authors who 
have written since the Reformation, and not within the last gene- 
ration. They have been taken from the works of Catholics and 
Protestants, and it is hoped they represent most of the sections 
of the latter. We have endeavoured to preserve impartiality, 
because the question belongs not to one community, but to all. 
On some accounts it has been thought best to translate those 
which were written in Freuch, and to give such as are in Latin 
in their original form. It would have been easy to multiply 
these extracts to any extent, but we have preferred to take so 
many as we could find room for, and that without excluding 
those from men of less celebrity. The reason for this last feature 
is, that writers of average reputation are very likely to represent 
average opinions. 

We shall hope to return to the subject, and then to offer 
farther illustrations from various sources, and such concluding 
remarks as may seem most appropriate. At present we may 
observe how small a proportion of the writers we have consulted 
advocate the plenary verbal inspiration of every part of Scripture, 
which they yet hold to be truly the Word of God. 



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. 262 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

1. Wolfgang Museums. — "That most high and everlasting 
authority of the canonical Scripture cometh from none other, 
but from God as the author of it : and the holy writers wrote, 
not by the motion of the Church, but by the instinct of the 
Holy Spirit; and therefore did write, not as members of the 
Church but as the interpreters of God, and ministers of the 
Spirit."* 

2. John Calvin. — "Ut Scripturae authoritatem asserat, 
' Divinitus esse inspiratam' docet. Nam si ita est nihil amplius 
restat controversies quin reverenter suscipienda sit ab hominibus. 
Hoc principium est quod religionem nostram ab aliis omnibus 
discernit, quod scimus Deum nobis loquutum esse, certoque 
persuasi sum us, non ex suo sensu loquutos esse prophetas, sed ut 
erant Spiritus Sancti organa, tantum protulisse quae caelitus 
mandata fuerant. Quisquis ergo vult in Scripturis proficere, hoc 
secum in primis constituat, Legem et Prophetias non esse doc- 
trinam hominum arbitrio proditam; sed a Spirit u Sancto dictatam. 
Siquis objiciat, undenam id sciri possit: respondeo, ejusdem 
Spiritus revelatione tarn discipulis quam doctoribus Deum pate- 
fieri Authorem."* 

3. Richard Hooker. — "The light of nature is never able to 
find out any way of obtaining the reward of bliss, but by per- 
forming exactly the duties and works of righteousness. From 
salvation, therefore, and life, all flesh being excluded this way, 
behold how the wisdom of God hath revealed a way mystical 
and supernatural, a way directing unto the same end of life, by 
a course which groundeth itself upon the guiltiness of sin, and, 
through sin, desert of condemnation and death. . . . Concerning 
that faith, hope, and charity, without which there can be no sal- 
vation, was there ever any mention made saving only in that law 
which God himself hath from heaven revealed ? There is not in 
the world a syllable muttered with certain truth concerning any 
of these three, more than hath been supernaturally received 
from the mouth of the eternal God. Laws, therefore, concern- 
ing these things are supernatural, both in respect of the manner 
of delivering them, which is divine ; and also in regard of the 
things delivered, which are such as have not in nature any cause 
from which they flow, but were by the voluntary appointment of 
God ordained besides the course of nature, to rectify nature's 
obliquity withal."' 

a W. Musculus, Common Places: English translation, fol. 163; edition 
15C3. 5 ' 

* Calvin in 2 Tim. iii. 16. <" Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, i. 11. 

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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 263 

Dr. Hammond. — " For all those writings which, either by 
God's Spirit of prophecy, or by any other afflation or incitation 
from God, have at any time been written by the prophets, etc., 
and as snch received into the Canon of the Jewish Church, may 
by us be profitably made use of, to teach us many things that 
Christ hath taught us, to convince us of the grossness of many 
sins which are confidently practised among men, to reduce those 
that fall through error or ignorance, to build up those that have 
begun and set out in the way of righteousness."* 

5. Benedict Pictet. — " After having established the divinity 
of the books of the Old and of the New Testament, it is not 
necessary to prove that they have been inspired of God ; the 
thing speaks for itself, and St. Paul teaches us it; 'all Scripture/ 
says he, ' is divinely inspired/ To be convinced of it, a few 
reflections must be made. . . . But in order not to be deceived in 
the matter of the inspiration of the sacred books it is proper to 
make certain remarks. 

"1. It is not necessary to suppose that the Spirit of God 
always dictated to the prophets and apostles all the words which 
they employed, and that he taught them all that they wrote. 
It suffices to believe that they wrote nothing but by the im- 
mediate direction of the Spirit of God, so that this Spirit never 
suffered them to err in what they wrote. Agobard, a writer of 
the ninth century, in his reply to Fredigisus, says that it is an 
absurdity to believe that the Holy Spirit inspired the terms and 
words. The apostles, as one has very well said, were the organs 
of the Holy Spirit, but reasonable organs, who made use of their 
understanding, of their judgment, and of their own language; 
yet in such a manner, that in the use which they made of their 
mind, they were directed by the Spirit of God, who took not from 
them the faculty of reasoning, which they had naturally, but 
enlightened it by his heavenly light, and directed it by his secret 
influence. 

"2. It cannot be denied that the Holy Spirit suggested 
countless things which the sacred authors wrote, as the prophecies 
which are scattered over their writings, and the explanation of 
these prophecies, of ancient oracles, of all the types, and of all 
the figures of the old covenant. St. Paul, in 1 Tim. iv. 1, tells 
us that the Spirit says in express terms, that in the last times 
many shall revolt from the faith. The ancient prophets said, 
'The mouth of the Lord hath spoken/ etc. 

" But it must also be avowed that the holy men of God wrote 

* Hammond, Paraphrase on 2 Tim. iii. 16. 

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264 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

many things, with which they had no need that the Holy Spirit 
should inspire them ; such as what they had seen, what they had 
heard, and what related to their particular affairs. We ought 
never to have recourse to miracles without necessity. Why then 
suppose that God suggested to the prophets and apostles what 
they knew already ? 

" 3. Nevertheless, although all they wrote was not suggested 
to them, they still wrote nothing without the Holy Spirit of 
God guiding their pen, so that they wrote nothing which was 
not apropos and according to the most exact rules of truth. It 
was the Spirit which moved them to write. It was the Spirit 
which strengthened their memory. It was the Spirit which pre- 
sided over the choice of matters which were to enter into their 
work. It was the Spirit which made them often employ certain 
expressions rather than others because they expressed better 
what ought to be said. In fine, it was the Spirit which pre- 
vented them from falling into any error, even in the smallest 
things. 

"4, After what I have said, no one must wonder, 1. If the 
apostles often speak of things which relate to their own concerns, 
as when St. Paul orders them to bring him his cloak and his 
parchments: 2. If they draw consequences from the truths 
which have been suggested to them by the Holy Ghost, from the 
visions which they have seen, and from the things which they 
have learned by means of their senses or some other way ; as 
St. Peter, when comparing the vision of the sheet which he had 
had, with that which Cornelius had had, said, e Of a truth I per- 
ceive that God is no respecter of persons: 1 3. If they employ 
modes of speech derived from the custom of the peoples among 
whom they lived, and even proverbs usual in their time : 4. If 
we observe a difference of style in the sacred books. All this is 
very easily conceived, after we grant that the Holy Spirit left 
the servants of God the use of their reason, and that he allowed 
them to employ the language of their country. 

"5. But we must still remember what I have established 
above : 1. That the Spirit of God suggested to them the greater 
part of the things which they wrote : 2. That he presided over 
all that they wrote, in such sort that they were infallible in all 
their books. It is also apparent that these sacred writers agree 
with each other admirably, although they write in a different 
manner, because one same Spirit animated them, as I have else- 
where said. 

" 6. It is very needful to remark that I have said that the 
apostles were infallible in their writings aud in their doctrines 
only ; for in other respects they were not without sin and with- 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 265 

out weaknesses. It was not necessary that the holy men who 
wrote the sacred books should be perfectly holy and without 
defect; but it was absolutely necessary that they should be 
infallible in their doctrine, because God employed their ministry 
to regulate the faith and morals of nations. Therefore it ought 
not to seem strange if St. Peter does something which merits 
the censure of St. Paul, when he breaks off from fellowship with 
the Gentiles out of too much consideration for the Jews. 

" Before concluding this chapter I have still two reflections 
to make on this subject, which will serve to resolve two difficul- 
ties. 

"The first reflection is, that the Holy Spirit who led the 
apostles into all truth did not teach them all things at once, but 
he increased their knowledge every day according as they had 
need of it for the edification of the Church. We should not be 
too much surprised, therefore, if it appears that St. Peter was 
unaware of the calling of the Gentiles before the baptism of 
Cornelius. 

"The second reflection is, that the Holy Spirit only revealed 
to the sacred writers what it was fitting they should know and 
should teach to others. Thus it is not surprising that they 
sometimes speak doubtfully ; ' and it may be that I will abide, 
yea, and winter with you/ says St. Paul to the Corinthians 
(2 Cor. xvi. 6), and instead of marking the precise time when 
certain things occurred they say, 'About six months/ 'about 
the sixth hour/ 'about thirty years of age" (Luke i. 56; iii. 
23; etc.) 

" After these two reflections I have no more to add, except 
that the inspiration of the sacred books has been always believed 
in the Church, as has been very well proved by the testimonies 
of Clement, Bishop of Borne ; of Justin Martyr ; of Theophilus 
of Antioch ; of St. Irenseus, who says that the Scripture is the 
work of the Word of God ;* and of Clement of Alexandria, who 
calls the sacred writers the disciples of the Spirit; of Tertullian; 
of Origen, who sustains that the very smallest letter of Scripture 
has been placed by divine wisdom ; and of St. Jerome, who 
declares in one of his books that it is wrong not to receive the 
Epistle to Philemon under the pretext that it contains things of 
vefry small importance. For, says he, * if they do not believe 
that little things can have the same author as things the most 
elevated, they must say with Valentiuus, Marcion and Apelles, 
that He who created ants, worms, lice, and locusts, is not the 

• Scripture quidem perfect® sunt, quippe a Verbo Dei et Spiritu ejus dicta). 
Adv. liver. , ii. 47, cf. iii. 1. 



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266 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

Creator of heaven, earth, sea, and angels/ We might bring 
forward passages from St. Augustine, Theodoret, etc., which 
prove the same thing/^ 

[The preceding extracts from the Thiologie Chretienne of 
Benedict Pictet (vol. i., book i., chap, xvi.; edition of 1708), are 
accompanied by notes, the most important of which is that 
which follows, upon " Objections against the inspiration of the 
sacred books."] 

" Josephus in his reply to Apion (chap, i.), speaking of the 
prophets, says they wrote by inspiration, and by the motion of 
the Spirit of God. In regard to the first Christians the thing is 
certain. Therefore I have nothing more to do here than to 
reply to some difficulties which might by raised. 

"1. It will be said that there are books in Scripture where 
we do not find even the name of God, as in the Book of Canticles 
and in the Book of Esther. But this reasoning proves nothing : 
1. Because in order that a book be inspired of God it is not 
necessary that the name of God should be in it. 2. In regard 
to the Book of Canticles, where everything is described in figu- 
rative terms, and where Jesus Christ is represented to us under 
the emblem of a Spouse, it is not surprising that the name of 
God should not be there. There is more cause for wonder in 
the case of the Book of Esther ; but there are several things 
which persuade me that this book has not been regarded as 
divine by the Jews without strong reasons. It is not probable 
that the Jews would have received it as canonical, if they had 
not certainly known that it had been written by a prophet, when 
they were so nice on these matters : and if any uninspired man 
had composed it in order to put it among the canonical books, 
he would doubtless have often spoken of God, that men might 
thereby be the more moved to recognize his book for divine. If 
I am asked, whence it comes that the name of God is not in it, 
I own that I know nothing about it, for the reasons which are 
alleged do not satisfy me. 

" 2. It will be said that if the Holy Spirit has inspired the 
apostles with what they wrote, they would have spoken in a 
different manner. But this argument only affects those who 
will that the Holy Spirit dictated all the words. Besides, who 
does not know that God, to accommodate himself to our weak- 
ness, sometimes speaks the language of men ? 

" 3. It is objected that it was not necessary for God to have 

t Clem. 1 ad Cor.; Just. M M Apol, ii.; Clem. Alex., Exhort, ad G.; Strom., 
lib. vi. vii. ; Orig., cont. Ceh., lib. 5; Euseb., Prctp. Evan., 13, 14; Ambr., Ep. 
8 ad Just. ; Chrysos., Horn. 37 in Gen. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 267 

given by inspiration things which concern natural truths, because 
the end of Scripture is to instruct us in religion. But I deny 
that this was unnecessary, for it would not have been worthy 
of the Spirit of God, that there should be falsehoods mingled 
with truths. Unbelievers would have thence taken occasion to 
doubt of all. 

" 4. It is said that the apostles often contradict themselves ; 
but this is false, and it is not difficult to harmonize the pretended 
contradictions which men think they find in the books of the 
blessed disciples of the Lord Jesus. 

"5. It is said that the ancient Church seemed to pay more 
honour to the Gospels than to the Epistles, because, say they, the 
reading of the Gospels was heard standing, whereas everybody 
might sit at the reading of the Epistles : and it is added that this 
distinction would not have been made if the Epistles had been 
believed as much inspired as the Gospels. But this inference 
cannot be drawn, because it is certain that Christians regarded 
the Epistles as inspired. I say nothing of the custom, the in- 
stitution of which some have ascribed to Anastasius I., who died 
in the beginning of the fifth century ; others to Siricius, who 
died in the year 398. It seems that the Christians wished to 
imitate the Jews, who believed they ought to shew more honour 
to the Law than to the Prophets, although they never doubted 
the inspiration of the Prophets. 

" 6. It is said that there is not much appearance that St. 
Paul was inspired when he so rudely treated the high priest 
(Acts xxiii. 3). Perhaps one can say that the apostles were not 
infallible in all they spoke, although they were in their writings.* 
But Jesus Christ having promised to his disciples (Matt. x. 
19, 20) that he would give them what they should speak, and 
that the Holy Spirit would speak in them, it would be better to 
answer that we do not see why St. Paul could not have strongly 
rebuked the man who commanded him to be smitten ; like the 
old prophets, who reproved with much severity even the kings 
before whom they appeared. But, it will be said, if he had been 
inspired, would he not have known that he spoke to the high 
priest ? Would not the Holy Spirit have taught him this ? To 
this I answer, that it was by no means necessary for the Holy 
Spirit to make known to the apostles everything, as I have said 
elsewhere. But if I am asked how St. Paul could say he did 
not know the high priest, since he could not but know him? 
Some suppose he meant to say that he did not recognize Ananias 

* August., Ep. 82; lib. i., De Consensu Ew. y cap. 35; TJteod. Praf. in 
Psalm, 

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268 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

for the true high priest because he had purchased the office, and 
Gamaliel had taught St. Paul that a judge who has paid money 
for his office is not a judge, and ought not to be honoured as 
a judge. But I confess that I believe we are to under- 
stand these words simply, that St. Paul did not know the high 
priest ; either because in those times the high priests were often 
changed, and it had been some years since St. Paul was at 
Jerusalem ; or because that, owing to the crowd, St. Paul could 
not perceive that the order to smite him proceeded from the 
mouth of the high priest; or because the high priest was 
mingled among the others without any mark of distinction ; or 
because of some other reason of which we are unaware. 

" 7. It will be said that it appears the Jews did not regard 
the apostles as inspired, since they would not believe what Paul 
and Barnabas said to them : and this is why the council was 
convoked at Jerusalem, as recorded in Acts xv. But it is ridi- 
culous to judge the apostles by what was thought of them by 
those who troubled the Church. If it pleased the Church at 
Antioch to send Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, it is not be- 
cause it doubted the authority of these two excellent servants of 
God, but to convince the Jews who doubted it ; and it appears 
that God inspired these two apostles to go up to Jerusalem 
(Gal. ii. 2)." 

6. Francis Turretin. — " Scriptura est syntagma librorum, 
per Spiritum Sanctum a viris Dei conscriptorum, de iis quae 
homines ad Dei gloriam, et suam ipsorum salutem scire, credere, 

et agere necesse habent Spiritus Sanctus circa Scriptores 

Sacri hoc egit : 1. Eos ad adscribendum excitavit : nam acti 
fuerunt a Spiritu Sancto viri Dei (2 Pet. i. 21): 2. Verba inspi- 
ravit. Tota enim Scriptura est BeoTn/evaro? (2 Tim. iii. 16) : 3. Ab 
omni errore conservavit : nam lac sincerum nobis propin&runt 

(1 Pet. ii. 2) An Scriptores Sacri omnia, etiam minima 

verba scripserint instiuctu Spiritus Sancti. Aff. contra Socio. 
Non quseritur, An Scriptores Sacri qua homines, simpliciter 
errare potuerint? Hoc enim facile concedimus. Seu an qua 
homines sacri acti a Spiritu Sancto reipsa errftrint ; hoc enim 
nemo, nisi plane Atheus dicet. Sed, An in scribendo ita acti et 
inspirati fuerunt a Spiritu Sancto et quoad res et quoad verba 
ut ab omni errore immunes fuerint, et Scripta ipsorum vere sint 
authentica et divina ? quod defendimus."* 

7. Dr. Doddridge. — "Any supernatural influence of God 

* Franc. Turrotiui Compend. Theol; Loc. 2 de Scriptura. Ed. 1095. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 269 

upon the mind of a rational creature, whereby he is formed to 
any degree of intellectual improvements, to which he could not 
or would not in fact have attained in present circumstances in a 
natural way, is called in general, Divine Inspiration. 

" That is called in general an inspiration of superintendent, in 
which God does so influence and direct the mind of any person, 
as to keep him more secure from error in various and complex 
discourse, than he would have been merely by the use of his 
natural faculties. 

" 1 . A book may be written without any error at all, where 
yet there is no superintendent inspiration, if the nature of the 
subject and the genius of the man be such as to be capable of 
such a composition. 

" 2. A book may be written by assistance of such an inspi- 
ration, in which there are some errors, provided they be fewer 
than in a course of nature must have been expected. 

" Plenary superintendent inspiration is such a degree of in- 
spiration, as excludes any mixture of error at all from the per- 
formance so superintended. 

"LA book, the contents of which are entirely true, may be 
said to be written by a plenary superintendent inspiration, even 
though there are many things contained in it, the truth of which 
might have been known and recorded without such extraordinary 
assistance, if there are others which could not ; or if, on the 
whole, a freedom from all error would not otherwise have been 
found there. 

" 2. A book may be written by such a superintendent inspi- 
ration in which there are many imperfections of style and 
method, provided the whole contents of it be true, and the 
subject of it so important as would make it consistent with the 
divine wisdom thus to interpose to preserve that entire credi- 
bility. 

" An inspiration of elevation is said to take place, where the 
faculties act in a regular and (as it may seem) in a common 
manner, yet are raised to an extraordinary degree ; and that the 
composure shall, upon the whole, have more of the true sublime, 
or pathetic, than natural genius could have given. 

"1. In many cases, it may be impossible to judge how far 
this inspiration may take place, since it is so difficult to know 
how far natural genius may extend, or how far corporeal causes 
may work upon the animal frame, so as to produce a performance 
greatly above the common standard. 

" 2. There may be such an inspiration as this, where there is 
none of superintendency, and much less any that is plenary. 

" Inspiration of suggestion takes place when the use of the 



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270 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

faculties is superseded, and God does as it were speak directly to 
the mind, making such discoveries to it as it could not other- 
wise have obtained, and dictating the very words in which such 
discoveries are to be communicated, if they are meant as a 
message to others. 

" 1. There may be a plenary superintendency where there is 
neither the inspiration of elevation nor suggestion. 

"2. Where there is an inspiration of suggestion, we may 
depend upon the certain truth of what is so suggested ; for it is 
not to be imagined that God would dictate or declare a falsehood 
to any of his creatures, considering the veracity of his own 
nature. And we may also conclude there will be a plenary 
superintendency of direction in reporting it if such super- 
intendency be necessary to the exactness of that report; for 
it seems inconsistent with the divine wisdom to suppose that 
God would suffer an inspired person to err through natural 
infirmity in delivering a message with which he has been pleased 
so expressly to charge him. . . . [After some further remarks and 
testimonies of early fathers as to the inspiration of the New 
Testament, this writer observes] : — 

"1. It seems to have been the judgment of many of these 
persons, that the New Testament was written by a plenary 
superintendent inspiration at least. 

" 2. It is evident that in many of these passages they declare 
not only their own private sentiments, but those of the whole 
Church ; and it is certain that their allowing any book to be, 
as they expressed it, < canonical/ was in effect owning its plenary 
inspiration, since that word imported a rule of faith and manners- 
from whence there was no human appeal. 

" a. Some passages have been brought on the other side of 
the question from Jerome, who seems indeed to allow that the 
apostles were subject to some slips of memory .... 

"The New Testament was written by a superintendent inspi- 
ration." (After stating some reasons for this, he continues) : — 

" From hence we may certainly infer that the apostles were 
not left in their writings to misrepresent any important facts on 
which the evidence of Christianity was founded, or any important 
doctrine upon which the salvation or edification of their con- 
verts depended. 

"1. It is a controversy of considerable difficulty and import- 
ance, whether the inspiration and superintendency under which 
the apostles were, extended to every minute circumstance in 
their writings, so as to be in the most absolute sense plenary. 
Jerome, Grotius, Erasmus, and Episcopius, thought it was not, 
and Lowth himself allows that in matters of no consequence (as 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 271 

he expresses it) they might be liable to slips of memory. But, on 
the contrary, it seems evident that the emphatical manner in 
which our Lord speaks of the agency of the Spirit upon them, 
and in which they themselves speak of their own writings, will 
justify us in believing that their inspiration was plenary, unless 
there be very convincing evidence brought on the other side to 
prove that it was not ; and it is to be remembered, that if we 
allow there were some errors in the New Testament as it came 
from the hands of the apostles, there may be great danger of 
subverting the main purpose and design of it ; since there will be 
endless room to debate the importance both of facts and doctrines." 
[After these passages, the following objections are stated and 
discussed. 1. The conduct of St. Paul, Acts xxiii. 1 — 6, com- 
pared with Matt. x. 19, 20. 2. The apostles did not seem to 
regard each other as inspired, cf. Acts xv., and Gal. ii. 2 — 4 ; 
nor did Christians consider them infallible, Acts xi. 2, 3 ; xxi. 
20—24. 3. St. Paul's language, in 2 Cor. xi. 5 ; 12, 11, com- 
pared with 1 Cor. vii. 10, 12, 25, 40; 2 Cor. xi. 17. 4. The 
Evangelists contradict one another in the accounts of Christ's 
genealogy, last passover, sufferings, and resurrection. 5. Errone- 
ous quotations from the Old Testament in the New. 6. The 
apostles not only misquote but misapply Old Testament texts, 
e.g., in Matt. i. 23; ii. 15, 18, 23; viii. 17; xxvii. 9, 10; Gal. 
iii. 16. For the solution of these objections we must refer to the 
original, Lectures on Pneumatology, Ethics, and Divinity. By 
Dr. Doddridge. Edition 1763. Lect. 137—140; pp. 322— 334. 
The sam e principles in a more developed and connected form are 
laid down in the Dissertation on the Inspiration of the New Tes- 
tament, by the same author, forming one of the Appendixes to 
the Family Expositor.'] 

8. Abbe Bergier. — "Wherein consists the inspiration of these 
books ? A new question whereupon unbelievers do not cease to 
insist. Are we obliged to believe that God revealed immediately 
to the sacred authors all that they wrote ; that he suggested to 
them the style, the expressions, the terms, of which they made 
use? The Church has never so decided. 

" Without doubt God revealed to the sacred authors what it 
was impossible for them to know by natural light and by human 
researches ; such are future events, above all, those which depend 
immediately upon divine power and wisdom : the prophets could 
not know and declare them but by revelation. Doctrines and 
morals were revealed to them in this sense, that they held them 
by a certain tradition which ascended to the first revelation 
made to Adam and the patriarchs. It was the same with facts 



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272 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

of which no man had been witness, such as the creation. We 
also admit an immediate revelation for everything which Moses 
and the prophets formally assert they received from the mouth 
of God himself. 

"It is not necessary to refer to such a revelation those 
historical facts of which the sacred writers may have had a know- 
ledge, either themselves, or through well-informed witnesses. 
It is enough that God excited them to write, by a supernatural 
movement of his grace, for us to be able to say with truth that 
they did it by inspiration. 

" We believe, in fine, that God watched over them, and gave 
them the assistance of his Spirit to preserve them from all error 
in doctrine and morals. These three helps supposed, it is true to 
say that what was written by these authors is the Word of God, 
and that we owe to their books entire submission of heart and 
mind. 

"If some ancient or modern theologians have pushed the 
inspiration of the sacred books beyond this, their opinion con- 
stitutes no rule ; there is no law or decision of the Church which 
forces us to adopt it."* 

[The above quoted author has an article on the Divinity or 
Inspiration of the books of the New Testament (vol. viii., p. 218), 
comprising four sections. 1. This inspiration proved by the 
authority of. the Church. 2. What was thought of it in the 
third century. 3. In the second century. 4. Equality between 
the books of the Old Testament and of the New. 5. Wherein 
their inspiration consists. Although involving some repetitions 
of what has been already said in the quotation preceding, the last 
of these sections is worth translating.] 

" This point of fact once proved, that from the age of the 
apostles it has been believed constantly and universally in the 
Church that the books of the New Testament were inspired, as 
well as those of the Old Testament, we have no more need to 
discuss the opinion of Le Clerc, who pretends that this inspira- 
tion is not necessary to prove the divinity of Christianity, and 
to render our faith certain.-' Be it necessary or not necessary, 
it is not for us to decide. If the Church has believed this inspi- 
ration from the time of the apostles, it is a revealed dogma, 
therefore it is necessary to believe it. God has willed that it 
should be a dogma of belief, inasmuch as the Church has never 
ceased to regard it as such. 

" To render it ridiculous, the author supposes that according 

1 Traite de la Vraie Religion. By the Abbo Bergier. Ed. 1785. Vol. y m pp. 
332, 333. 

i Sentiment de quelques Theol. de Hollande. Lett. xi. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 273 

to us, God inspired the sacred writers not only with the dogmas, 
the morals, and the prophecies, but also the style, phrases, and 
words of which they made use. The Church has never canonized 
this sentiment as an article of faith, and has never condemned 
the contrary opinion. 

" 1. According to the common opinion, God revealed to the 
sacred writers what they could not know by the light of nature ; 
but this revelation was not necessary for the facts of which they 
had been eye-witnesses, or which they had learned from the 
mouth of such witnesses. The lessons of Jesus Christ are an 
express revelation made to the apostles and disciples who heard 
him preach. 

" 2. God inspired them by a movement of his grace, with the 
design and will to put in writing what they knew by revelation, 
or otherwise. 

" 3. He gave them assistance, or special aid, to preserve them 
from error or unfaithfuluess in their recital, yet without at all 
changing the degree of natural capacity that each writer might 
have for writing more or less correctly, more or less clearly. 

" These three conditions are necessary ; but sufficient for us 
to be bound to have faith in their writings without any danger 
of error, and to regard them as the Word of God. We are not 
prodigal of miracles here. 

"The principal objection of Le Clerc, against the inspiration 
of the Holy Scriptures, is drawn from the contradictions into 
which the sacred writers have fallen, and the maledictions in 
which they have indulged. We formally deny these contradic- 
tions, and we defy all unbelievers to produce any one which it is 
not possible to reconcile. As for the maledictions, we have 
shewn in our second part, that they are prophecies or menaces, 
and not desires dictated by revenge 

"The author of the Histoire Critique de Jisus Christ has 
repeated and amplified the false accusation of Le Clerc. ' By 
the simple inspection of the Gospel/ says he, * every Christian 
ought to be convinced that this book is divine, that every word 
which it contains is inspired by the Holy Ghost. The sentiment 
of the majority of divines is, that the Holy Spirit revealed to the 
sacred writers the very spelling of the words, the very points 
and commas. But who will warrant us that all the copyists and 
monks of the ages of ignorance, who have transmitted to us the 
revealed writings, have made no blunder in transcribing them ? 
A point or a comma misplaced suffices, as we know, totally to 
alter the sense of a passage/* 

* Hist. Grit, de J. C, Pref., p. iv. 
NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XII. T 



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274 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

" It is thus that theologians are rendered contemptible and 
odious by calumnies. We shall not take the trouble to refute 
them more at length. It is the Church which guarantees^ us the 
preservation, integrity, authenticity, and true sense of the holy 
books, and not the capacity of copyists." 

9. Richard Simon. — "We must not, under the pretence of 
such inspiration, combat reason and experience. They are men 
who have been the instruments of God, and who have not ceased 
to be men in order to become prophets. The Holy Spirit guided 
them in such a way that they were never deceived in what they 
wrote ; but we must not therefore believe that there is nothing 
in their expressions but what is divine and supernatural. . . . 
The Calvinists accuse the Arminians of agreeing with the Soci- 
nians, and of only considering the sacred books to be like other 
works, save that they were written with all possible fidelity and 
exactness. ... It cannot be denied that Grotius, who was one of 
the most learned and judicious interpreters of Scripture, main- 
tained that of all the books of the Bible, none but the prophetical 
were inspired. He asserts that it is not necessary for histories 
to be dictated by the Holy Spirit. Spinosa also followed this 
opinion, and recently the author of two letters printed in the 
book entitled, Opinions of certain Theologians of Holland upon 
the critical History of the Old Testament. . . . Our theologians 
are agreed that the whole Pentateuch was inspired, but the most 
learned among them make no difficulty in recognizing that what 
Moses wrote of the creation of the world, of the genealogies of 
the first patriarchs, and other things which preceded him, may 
have been derived from memoirs which those patriarchs had 
left."' 

" The church assembled in councils has the same inspiration 
as the judges of the Sanhedrim had in their assemblies ; for it 
has what is called a grace of infallibility in its decisions, and no 
other inspiration or prophecy is ascribed to the Sanhedrim. . . . 
It is not true, that the Jews have recognized no inspiration in 
their republic since the reign of Artaxerxes, as it is easy to shew 
by their books. . . . The Jewish doctors and the fathers recog- 
nize an inspiration in the 1 , judges of the Sanhedrim. ... In 
regard to the inspiration of the sacred books, a distinction has 
been made between things and words, and it has been professed 
that it was needless to extend it to the words or to the style of 
each sacred author ; that it was enough that things were inspired. 

' IS Inspiration des Lwres fiacres. Par le Pricur de Bolleville (Father Simon). 
Rotterdam: 1699. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 275 

This is the sentiment of the ancient fathers and of sundry 
Catholic doctors. But Mr. N. has equally attacked the inspi- 
ration of words and of things, restricting it for things to pro- 
phecy alone ; and this has been combated as a doctrine opposed 
to all tradition, as well among Jews as Christians. If any have 
wished to extend this inspiration to the words, it is not right 
that we should follow them in their ideas, which have no founda- 
tion in antiquity. ... It has been said (by M. Simon) that a 
book, whether it contains a true history or a simple parable, or 
a history mingled with parables, is not on that account less 
canonical. In effect, if we suppose, for example, that there are 
some fictions in the Book of Job, it will be none the less divine, 
having been written by an inspired author. . . . The Apostles 
were not prophets, but ministers of Jesus Christ, to make known 
his Gospel, and to whom he had promised his Spirit that they 
might always say the truth ; and it is in this principally that 
their inspiration consists."* 

10. Louis lb Blanc — " Scripta ilia arte humana elaborata 
non sunt, verum a Deo inspirata, ut hoc in loco testatur apos- 
tolus, dum Timotheo dicit Tr&aa ypaffi OsoTrvevGros, € omnis/ 
vel ' tota Scriptura divinitus inspirata est/ Etenim libros illos 
quos tanquam divinos et sacros veneramur, scripserunt quidem 
homines nostri similes et ofwioiraOei*;, verum id non fecerunt pro- 
prio motu atque consilio, et ex animi sui quadam electione, sed 
instinctu et motu divino, Spiritu Sancto, videlicet, illos extra 
ordinem ad scribendum raovente et singulari quadam ratione im- 
pellente. Nam ut testatur Petrus posteriori Epistola, 'non 
voluntate humana allata est olium prophetia, sed acti a Spiritu 
Sancto locuti sunt sancti Dei homines/ Ubi de prophetia 
Scripturse eum loqui totus loci contextus arguit. Prseterea quae 
continent isti libri sunt ut plurimum dogmata et mysteria quae- 
dam quae non invenit et excogitavit ingenium humanum, sed 
quse scriptoribus sacris supernaturali quodam modo innotuerunt, 
Deo, scilicet, intus revelante et illuminante, aut etiam exterius 
mirabili quadam ratione docente. Sic Dei Filius ipse avro- 
Trpoadyrra)? discipulos suos docuit mysteria regni caelorum. Et 
Paulus post Christi resurrectionem Apostolis additus, capite 
primo Epistolae ad Galatas testatur ' se Evangelium suum ab 
nomine non accepisse, neque didicisse, sed per revelationem Jesu 
Christi/ Et prophetse similiter ilia quse scriptis mandabant prius 
afflante Dei Spiritu perceperant, aut ab angelis Dei nuntiis acce- 

m Biponse au Livre intitule" Defense des Sentimens, etc. Par le Prieur de 
Bolleville (Father Simon), passim. 

t2 



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276 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

perant. Quod spectat autem varias historias quae in Scriptura 
Sacra reperiuntur, idem ille Dei Spiritus est qui fecit earum 
delectum, quique mentem et calamum authorum Sacrorum 
direxit ut scripto redigerent quas judicavit ipse max i me idoneas 
ad Ecclesiae consolationem et institutionem. Quinimo Scrip- 
ture phrases et verba ipsa hominibus non debent, sed Spiritui 
Sancto, qui scriptoribus sacris non tan turn res ipsas suggessit, sed 
etiam idonea verba quibus illas enuntiarent, quique adeo manu 
prophetarum et apostolorum scribebat, sicut ore illorum loque- 
batur, juxta quod dicit Christus apud Matthaeum alloquens dis- 
cipulos suos, Nolite cog i tare quid aut quomodo, etc. (Matt. x. 
19, 20). Unde est etiam quod Paulus de mysteriis Evangelii 
loquens (1 Cor. ii. 13), dicit se ea loqui non sermonibus quos 
docet, humana sapientia, sed quos docet Spiritus Sanctus. . . . 
Non tantum tractat ilia (Scriptura) res divinas, sed tractat etiam 
modo plane divino, nempe, verbis quae non selegit homo, sed 
quae dictavit ipse Dei Spiritus, et ordine quern non mens homi- 
num adinvenit, sed qui ad Deura ipsum ut authorem referen- 
dus est. Ac proinde in reliquis omnibus scriptis, quantum libet pia 
et sancta sint, semper est aliquid humani, et homines merito 
eorum authores censentur et dicuntur. Verum in hac Scriptura 
nihil est nisi Divinum, nee alium quam Deum authorem habet. 
Nam quod spectat prophetas, apostolos, et Evangelistas, quorum 
manu et calamo Deus usus est in ilia Ecclesiae tradeuda, ejus 
authores proprie non fuerunt sed scriptores solummodo. Nee 
fere quicquam amplius hac in re ipsius tribuendum quam 
amanuensi vel scribae cui dictat vir doctus opus quod ipse com- 
posuit, cujusque solus agnoscitur author, quamvis alterius penna 
vel stylo in lucem edatur. . . . Libri sacri ab omni prorsus errore 
sunt immunes, et per se fidem exigunt et merentur. Ac proinde 
sufficit ut aliquid affirment ut pleno cum fidei obsequio susci- 
piatur. Estque eorum simplex testimonium qualibet ratione et 
demonstratione firmius. Idque quoniam sunt ipsius Dei opus, 
ac in totum procedunt ab illo Spiritu veritatis qui nee falli nee 
fallere potest." 11 

11. William Nichols, D.D. — "Now I do not think, that 
every particular expression, word, and letter were dictated by 
the Holy Ghost ; so that the Apostles were nothing but the 
bare amanuenses to the Holy Ghost, and that they had no more 
share in the composition, than my servant has, when I dictate a 

• De Script. Sac. Div. Orig.; Oratio kabita Sedani, an. 1660. By L. Le 
Blanc. London: 1683. Appended to the Thetca Theologica of the same 
author. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 277 

letter for him to write. For this does not seem consistent with 
the nature of the divine operations, which do not usually put 
such a force upon human nature, they acting in such a way as 
is agreeable to their rational faculties. But if the Holy Ghost 
should have dictated to the Apostles after that rate, they had 
been only pure organs to the Holy Ghost, and perfect machines 
for him to work upon, without any manner of exercise of their 
own faculties. Therefore it is most probable, that God Almighty 
dealt with them more like rational creatures; which was by 
letting their minds have some share in this divine work. It is 
more agreeable to reason to think, that he suggested those 
divine thoughts first to their minds, and ordinarily left them to 
weigh them in their thoughts, as they did other truths, and to 
put them into what expressions their fancies were naturally 
inclined to use ; still presiding over them, and keeping them 
from expressing anything contrary to the divine mind, or to the 
dignity of the sacred subject. And it is farther evident, that the 
Apostles (as the prophets heretofore) had some share in the 
expression at least ; for otherwise there is no account to be given 
of the different styles of these persons, which varied according to 
their tempers and education. For if the Holy Ghost had been 
the sole author of every expression, the style of every book in 
Scripture had been uniformly alike ; or however there would 
not have been that difference found, as now there is, and which 
may be ascribed to natural causes. If the Holy Ghost had dic- 
tated every word, why should Isaiah, who was bred in a court, 
be more florid and magnificent than Amos, who had his educa- 
tion among the herd ? Why should St. Luke, who had a polite 
education, write his books in better Greek, and more agreeable 
to the Greek and Latin histories, than St. John ? Why should 
St. Paul, who was brought up among the rabbins, discover more 
of Jewish learning and rabbinical reasoning than the other 
Apostles ? Why should St. John, above all the others, discover 
in his writings so much sweetness of nature, and so much love 
and tenderness, if it was not in some measure owing to his 
natural temper? These are undeniable arguments, that the 
Apostles had some share in their divine compositions, and that 
they varied their expressions, and in some measure modelled 
their thoughts, according to these qualifications. 

" But then we must own, that the chiefest part of the sense 
was inspired by God. He suggested to their mind those divine 
truths which they revealed to the world, either when they were 
writing, or if they had learned them before, by refreshing their 
memories, and taking care that they added or omitted nothing 
that was material. It is an impossible, as well as a very need- 



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278 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

less thing, for us to discover, how far the divine Spirit interested 
himself in inspiring the Apostles, and to tell exactly what in their 
compositions was owing to reason, and what to inspiration. It 
is sufficient to say, that the Holy Ghost afforded all the assist- 
ance which was necessary to make theirs to be infallible writ- 
ings. Therefore we may be sure, that the assistance was more 
or less, according as the subject which they wrote of required. 
"When they wrote historically of matters of fact, which they 
themselves had seen, or which had been reported to them by 
credible witnesses, there was no reason that the substance of this 
history should be revealed to them again ; it was then sufficient 
only to have their memories refreshed, as our Saviour had 
promised them, and that the Holy Ghost should so far inspect 
them, as that they might not be guilty of any error in the rela- 
tion. Where any new divine truths are delivered by them, 
which were not taught them by Christ when he was upon earth, 
there it is necessary to assert that the whole of those were imme- 
diately inspired into their minds by the Holy Ghost ; because 
such truths could not be the result of their human understand- 
ing or reasoning, nor yet the treasure of their memory ; and 
therefore these could come into their minds no other way but 
by inspiration. And as for other things which may be found in 
their books, such as reasoning and arguing from revealed truths, 
that which is most rational to think in this point is this : That 
the Holy Ghost suffered them to make use of their reasoning 
faculties, as far as the arguments were suitable and solid, at the 
same time quickening their invention, and clearing their judg- 
ment, and hindering them from writing anything, which might 
be illogical or impertinent. 

" But then I farther add, that the inspiration of the Holy 
Ghost sometimes proceeded so far as to inspire the very words 
and ways of expression. I observed to you before, that it was 
very probable, that the word all was inserted in the Gospel of 
St. Matthew by the particular direction of the Holy Ghost, in 
the relation of the institution of the Lord's Supper, ' Drink ye 
all of this ' (Matt. xxvi. 27) : and so Mark xiv. 23, € And they 
all drank of it/ Now it is not reasonable to think, that these 
two Evangelists inserted the word all by chance ; for it is not a 
very usual way of speaking, and we see it is omitted in the rela- 
tion of the delivery of the bread ; and therefore must be intended 
by the Holy Ghost for some farther end ; which is, to shew that 
all the communicants have a right to the cup, which he foresaw 
in future ages would be by some sacrilegiously denied them. 
And so it is not to be doubted, but that the Holy Ghost did 
particularly direct them, in some seeming accidental expressions, 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 279 

which he ordered them to use; that Christians might have 
thereby evident proofs from God's Word, for several principal 
articles of the Christian faith ; such as the doctrines of the 
divinity of Christ and the Holy Spirit, of justification and satis- 
faction, etc. Many good arguments for which are drawn from 
some particular expressions in Scripture; which would have 
been wanting for the support of these Christian truths, if the 
Holy Ghost had given the sacred writers leave to have expressed 
those passages otherways."* 

12. Dr. Bbattie. — " Some are at a loss to reconcile the 
inspiration of the Evangelists with those particulars wherein 
their Gospels seem to differ from one another. They do not 
all record the same things, nor do they all relate the same events 
in the same manner. The differences are indeed minute; but 
they are perceptible. How could this be, if the historians were 
inspired? The following answer to this query is submitted to 
the reader. 

" Socrates long ago observed, that man has no need of super- 
natural information concerning those things which his natural 
faculties are alone sufficient to discover. To enable the Apostles 
to comprehend all evangelical truth, supernatural light was 
necessary. Their master accordingly promised it, and on the 
day of Pentecost, or soon after, they received it. I say, or soon 
after, because subsequent to the descent of the Holy Spirit on 
that day, a particular revelation, relating to the conversion of 
the Gentiles, was made to Peter, and the whole scheme of the 
Gospel, as well as its miraculous gifts and graces, communicated 
to Paul by immediate inspiration. After this we find, that in 
their doctrine they lay claim to infallibility in pretty strong 
terms. On some extraordinary emergencies too, in the course 
of their ministry, as in the case of their being arraigned before 
kings and rulers, it was promised, that they should receive aid 
from heaven in making their defence. 

" But inspiration was not necessary to enable them to see 
and hear ; or to teach them how to conduct themselves in the 
common business of life. After their conversion, we have no 
reason to think that John was a more expert fisherman, or 
Luke a more skilful physician, than before. As historians, 
therefore, they need not, I presume, be considered in any other 
light than that of honest men, recording what they saw and 
heard, and had examined, and were competent judges of, and 

• Conference with a Theist, etc. Vol. ii., pp. 65—68. Third edition. London : 
1723. 



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280 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

deeply interested in : for, on this supposition, their testimony is 
fully sufficient to establish the truth of the Gospel. And this 
may account for their not all recording the same things, nor 
describing the same events in exactly the same way. 

" If John, for example, saw his master do, or heard him say, 
what Matthew did not see or hear, which might have happened 
in a hundred instances, it was equally natural for the former to 
record, and for the latter not to record it. And if Matthew and 
Mark, supposed to have been spectators of the crucifixion, were 
so stationed in the crowd as to hear the one robber revile their 
dying Lord, and to see the other move his lips, but without 
hearing what he said, it was not unnatural for them to conclude, 
as the combination against him seemed now to be universal, that 
both the robbers reviled him ; which yet Luke, or some other 
person from whom Luke received his information, might, by 
being more advantageously situated, and hearing the words of 
the penitent robber, know to be true of only one of them. At 
any rate, we may with confidence affirm, that if the Evangelists 
had been to invent a fable, and obtrude it on the world for 
truth, they would have taken care that there should be no such 
difference in their testimonies, as there confessedly is in this 
instance : which, however, is not so important, as either to 
detract from the veracity of the historians, or throw any blemish 
on the purity of the Gospel. 

" The same thing may be said of our Lord's genealogy, as it 
is differently stated by Matthew and Luke. If either account 
had been false, both would not have existed. Both therefore 
are true : and may be reconciled, by supposing the one to be 
the genealogy of his mother, and the other that of his reputed 
father. In the most material articles they agree ; namely, that 
he was descended from Abraham, and of the family of David. 
And it is impossible to imagine any motive that could induce 
either Luke or Matthew to misrepresent the subsequent articles ; 
as among a people so curious in genealogy as the Jews were, the 
error might be so easily found out. 

" When the matter inquired into is very complex, an exact 
coincidence in the testimony of witnesses is not expected. Let 
them be ever so attentive and candid, they could not have stood 
all in the same place, nor consequently have taken notice of the 
very same particulars without variation. Of some sorts of facts, 
too, the memory of some men is more tenacious than that of 
others. One remembers best what he saw, another what he 
heard : one attends to the connection of events with their effects 
and causes ; another rather considers them separately, and as 
each event is in itself. Hence, as formerly observed, some 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 281 

diversities in what they declare, concerning circumstances of 
little moment, would convey a favourable opinion of the veracity 
of witnesses ; whereas a perfect sameness of declaration might, 
in the case supposed, breed suspicion of a preconcerted plan. 

" But though, after the descent of the Holy Spirit on the 
day of Pentecost, the Apostles laid claim to infallibility of doc- 
trine, they never gave out that their whole conduct was under 
the guidance of inspiration. They were indeed holy men ; but 
still they were men ; and, as such, liable both to sins of infirmity, 
which they humbly acknowledge, and from which they affirm 
that no man is free, and also to error, not in doctrine indeed, 
but in those matters of less moment, in which they had nothing 
but their own reason to direct them. s If we say we have no 
sin/ says St. John, ( we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not 
in us/ ' We are men of like passions with you/ said Paul and 
Barnabas, when the people of Lystria were preparing to pay 
them divine honours. And here, let me ask, in passing, whether 
these two Apostles, if they had been impostors, or wished to gain 
undue influence over the minds of men, would have been so 
zealous in refusing those honours, and so anxious to convert that 
people from idolatry. And let me ask further, with respect to 
the Apostles in general, whether, if ambition, or vanity, or any 
other principle than the love of truth, had been the motive of 
their conduct, they would so uniformly, and with such solemnity 
of protestation, have ascribed all the glory of their miracles and 
doctrine, not to themselves, but to their crucified Lord."* 

13. Thomas Scott. — "By the divine inspiration of the 
Holy Scriptures, I mean ' Such an immediate and complete 
discovery, by the Holy Spirit to the minds of the sacred writers, 
of those things which could not have been otherwise known ; 
and such an effectual superintendence, as to those matters which 
they might be informed of by other means ; as entirely pre- 
served them from error, in every particular, which could in the 
least affect any of the doctrines or precepts contained in their 
books/ Every proposition, therefore, is to be considered as 
1 the sure testimony of God/ in that sense according to which 
it is proposed as truth. Those facts occurred and those words 
were spoken, as to the import of them, and the instruction to be 
deduced from them, which there stand recorded : but we must 
judge concerning the morality of men's actions, and the truth of 
their sentiments, by the preceptive and doctrinal parts of the 

r Evidences of the Christian Beligion, etc. By James Beattie, LL.D. Fourth 
Edition. London: 1795. 



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282 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

Scriptures. Nor does it at all invalidate the complete inspiration 
of the sacred writers, to allow that they expressed themselves in 
common language, and wrote of things as men generally spoke 
of them : rather than according to philosophical exactness, or in 
the style that was used in the schools of the learned during the 
ages in which they lived. Supposed or unimportant errors, or 
inaccuracies of expression, in such things, are not in the least 
inconsistent with that entire divine inspiration of which we 
speak ; for the Scriptures were not written to render us exact 
philosophers, or to instruct us in ancient history and geography, 
but to 'make us wise unto salvation/ Nor do the few imma- 
terial mistakes, which in a long course of years have crept in, 
through the errors of transcribers, create any difficulty or uncer- 
tainty to the humble and teachable enquirer : though they fre- 
quently give occasion to the self-sufficient to cavil and object ; 
for ' the Lord taketh the wise in their own craftiness/ "* 

14. Bishop Tomline. — "When it is said that Scripture 
is divinely inspired, it is not to be understood that God sug- 
gested every word, or dictated every expression. It appears 
from the different styles in which the books are written, and 
from the different manner in which the same events are related 
and predicted by different authors, that the sacred penmen were 
permitted to write as their several tempers, understandings, and 
habits of life directed ; and that the knowledge communicated 
to them by inspiration upon the subject of their writings, was 
applied in the same manner as any knowledge acquired by 
ordinary means. Nor is it to be supposed that they were even 
thus inspired in every fact which they related, or in every pre- 
cept which they delivered. They were left to the common use 
of their faculties, and did not upon every occasion stand in need 
of supernatural communication ; but whenever, and as far as 
divine assistance was necessary, it was always afforded. In dif- 
ferent parts of Scripture we perceive that there were different 
sorts and degrees of inspiration : God enabled Moses to give an 
account of the creation of the world ; he enabled Joshua to 
record with exactness the settlement of the Israelites in the land 
of Canaan ; he enabled David to mingle prophetic information 
with the varied effusions of gratitude, contrition, and piety ; he 
enabled Solomon to deliver wise instructions for the regulation of 
human life ; he enabled Isaiah to deliver predictions concerning 
the future Saviour of mankind, and Ezra to collect the sacred 

i Essays on the most important subjects in Belujion. By Thomas Scott (the 
Commentator). 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 283 

Scriptures into one authentic volume ; ' but all these worketh 
that one and the self-same Spirit, dividing to every man severally 
as he will' (1 Cor. xii. 11). In some cases inspiration only 
produced correctness and accuracy in relating past occurrences, 
or in reciting the words of others ; in other cases it communi- 
cated ideas not only new and unknown before, but infinitely 
beyond the reach of unassisted human intellect ; and sometimes 
inspired prophets delivered predictions for the use of future ages, 
which they did not themselves comprehend, and which cannot 
be fully understood till they are accomplished. But whatever 
distinctions we may make with respect to the sorts, degrees, or 
modes of inspiration, we may rest assured that there is one pro- 
perty which belongs to every inspired writing, namely, that it is 
free from error — I mean material error; — and this property 
must be considered as extending to the whole of each of those 
writings, of which a part only is inspired ; for we cannot suppose 
that God would suffer any such errors as might tend to mislead 
our faith or pervert our practice, to be mixed with those truths 
which he himself has mercifully revealed to his rational crea- 
tures as the means of their eternal salvation. In this restricted 
sense it may be asserted, that the sacred writers always wrote 
.under the influence, or guidance, or care of the Holy Spirit, 
which sufficiently establishes the truth and divine authority of 
all Scripture. 

" These observations relative to the nature of inspiration are 
particularly applicable to the historical books of the Old Testa- 
ment. That the authors of these books were occasionally 
inspired is certain, since they frequently display an acquaintance 
with the counsels and designs of God, and often reveal his 
future dispensations in the clearest predictions. But though it 
is evident that the sacred historians sometimes wrote under the 
immediate operation of the Holy Spirit, it does not follow that 
they derived from revelation the knowledge of those things 
which might be collected from the common sources of human 
intelligence. It is sufficient to believe, that by the general 
superintendence of the Holy Spirit, they were directed in the 
choice of their materials, enlightened to judge of the truth and 
importance of those accounts from which they borrowed their 
information, and prevented from registering any material error. 
The historical books appear, indeed, from internal evidence, to 
have been chiefly written by persons contemporary with the 
periods to which they relate ; who, in their description of cha- 
racters and events, many of which they witnessed, uniformly 
exhibit a strict sincerity of intention, and an unexampled impar- 
tiality. Some of these books, however, were compiled in sub- 



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284 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

sequent times from the sacred annals mentioned in Scripture as 
written by prophets or seers, and from those public records, and 
other authentic documents, which though written by uninspired 
men, were held in high estimation, and preserved with great 
care by persons specially appointed as keepers of the genealogies 
and public archives of the Jewish nation. To such well-kuown 
chronicles we find the sacred writers not unfrequently referring 
for a more minute detail of those circumstances which they omit 
as inconsistent with their design. For ' these books are to be 
considered as the histories of revelations, as commentaries upon 
the prophecies, and as affording a lively sketch of the economy 
of God's government of his selected people. They were not 
designed as national annals, to record every minute particular 
and political event that occurred ; but they are rather a com- 
pendious selection of such remarkable occurrences and opera- 
tions as were best calculated to illustrate the religion of the 
Hebrew nation ; to set before that perverse and ungrateful 
people an abstract of God's proceedings, of their interests and 
duties; as also to furnish posterity with an instructive picture 
of the divine attributes, and with a model of that dispensation 
on which a nobler and more spiritual government was to be 
erected ; and moreover, to place before mankind the melancholy- 
proofs of that corruption, which had been entailed upon them, 
and to exhibit in the depravity of a nation highly favoured, 
miraculously governed, aud instructed by inspired teachers, the 
necessity of that redemption and renewal of righteousness which 
was so early and so repeatedly promised by the prophets. It 
seems probable, therefore, that the Books of Kings and Chro- 
nicles do not contain a complete compilation of the entire works 
of each contemporary prophet, but are rather an abridgement of 
their several labours, and of other authentic public writings, 
digested by Ezra after the captivity, with an intention to display 
the sacred history under one point of view ; and hence it is that 
that they contain some expressions which evidently result from 
contemporary description, and others which as clearly argue 
them to have been composed long after the occurrences which 
they relate/ — (Gray). 

" Since then we are taught to consider the divine assistance 
as ever proportioned to the real wants of men; and since it 
must be granted that their natural faculties, though wholly 
incompetent to the prediction of future events, are adequate to 
the relation of such past occurrences as have fallen within the 
sphere of their own observation, we may infer that the historical 
books are not written with the same uniform inspiration, which 
illumines every page of the prophetic writings. But at the same 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 285 

time we are to believe that God vouchsafed to guard these 
registers of his judgments and his mercies from all ^important 
mistakes ; and to impart, by supernatural means, as much infor- 
mation and assistance to those who composed them, as was 
requisite for the accomplishment of the great designs of his 
providence. In the ancient Hebrew canon they were placed, as 
has been already observed, in the class of prophetical books ; 
they are cited as such by the evangelical writers ; and it must 
surely be considered as a strong testimony to the constant 
opinion of the* Jews respecting the inspiration of these books, 
that they have never dared to annex any historical narrative to 
them since the death of Malachi. They closed the sacred volume 
when the succession of prophets ceased. 

"If it be asked by what rule we are to distinguish the 
inspired from the uninspired parts of these books, I answer, that 
no general rule can be prescribed for that purpose. Nor is it 
necessary that we should be able to make any such discrimina- 
tion. It is enough for us to know, that every writer of the Old 
Testament was inspired, and that the whole of the history it con- 
tains, without any exception or reserve, is true. These points 
being ascertained and allowed, it is of very little consequence 
whether the knowledge of a particular fact was obtained by any 
of the ordinary modes of information, or whether it was com- 
municated by immediate revelation from God; whether any 
particular, passage was written by the natural powers of the his- 
torian, or whether it was written by the positive suggestion of 
the Holy Spirit. 

" We may in like manner suppose, that some of the precepts 
delivered in the books called Hagiographa, were written without 
any supernatural assistance, though it is evident that others of 
them exceed the limits of human wisdom; and it would be 
equally impossible, as in the historical Scriptures, to ascertain 
the character of particular passages which might be proposed. 
But here again a discrimination would be entirely useless. The 
books themselves furnish sufficient proofs that the writers of 
them were occasionally inspired ; and we know also, that they 
were frequently quoted, particularly the Psalms, as prophetical, 
by our Saviour and his Apostles, in support of the religion 
which they preached. Hence we are under an indispensable 
obligation to admit the divine authority of the whole of these 
books, which have the same claim ta our faith and obedience as 
if they had been written under the influence of a constant and 
universal inspiration. 

"But whatever uncertainty there may be concerning the 
direct inspiration of any historical narrative, or of any moral 



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286 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

precept, contained in the Old Testament, we must be fully con- 
vinced that all its prophetical parts proceeded from God." r 

[The same author returns to the subject in part ii., chap. 1, 
where he adds to his own observations copious extracts from an 
essay by the Rev. W. Parry, An Enquiry into the Nature and Ex- 
tent of the Inspiration of the Apostles, etc. Dr. Henderson, in 
his work on Divine Inspiration, gives in his notes the title of this 
and a considerable number of other treatises upon the subject.] 

To the preceding extracts we here add a second series, col- 
lected from a single work by Father Simon, from whom we have 
already quoted. It appears that the Jansenists, as represented 
by M. Arnauld, pleaded for plenary verbal inspiration. Where- 
upon M. Simon labours to shew that such was not by any means 
the uniform opinion in the church. He commences in the fol- 
lowing manner. (We omit his comments in the passages which 
succeed this.) 

" The eagerness of M. Arnauld to contradict all that he 
thinks comes from the Jesuits, has prevented him from reflect- 
ing sufficiently upon two kinds of inspiration commonly laid 
down by divines ; the one is called express and immediate revela- 
tion ; the other is named a special direction and assistance of 
the Holy Spirit. Cajetan, Melchior Canus, and a number of 
other learned writers, have expressly distinguished these two 
kinds of inspiration. Before going into a thorough examination 
of this matter, it is well to explain what is here understood by 
immediate revelation, and by special direction. Immediate 
revelation is when the Holy Spirit reveals in such a manner to 
the sacred writer what he writes, that this author does nothing 
but receive and give to us what the same Holy Spirit has dic- 
tated to him. It is thus that the prophets were inspired in 
regard to things future, which they learned immediately from 
God. This inspiration also takes place in regard to words, if it 
happen that the Holy Spirit suggests to a writer the words he 
employs. 

" It is called special direction when the Holy Spirit does not 
reveal immediately to an author what he puts into writing, but 
only excites him to write what he knows already, having learned 
it in another way, or known by his own talents. If he assists 
and directs him in such a manner that he chooses only what is 
conformed to truth, and to the end for which the sacred books 
are composed, that is, to edify us in faith and charity. It is 
thus that St. Luke has written in Acts numerous things which 
he had learned from the apostles, and from those who had been 

r Introduction to the Stttdy of the Bible. By Bishop Tomline. pp. 15 — 20. 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 287 

witnesses of them, such as the preaching and miracles of St. 
Peter : or which he had himself seen, as the coming of St. Paul 
to Malta. It was not absolutely necessary that such facts as he' 
knew of himself should be revealed to him. 

" This second kind of inspiration can also occur in regard to 
words, if we suppose (as doubtless we can), that the Holy Spirit 
having revealed the subjects to an author, leaves him to act in 
what concerns the manner of expressing them, assisting him 
nevertheless, and directing this natural manner so as to conform 
it to truth. It may be said that this inspiration is not properly 
immediate in regard to the matter which is supposed to be 
already known, but it is immediate in regard to the author, 
whom it incites, assists and directs in the use and arrangement 
of the ideas and knowledge which he already has. That which 
is written by such inspiration is truly divine, and it ought to be 
admitted that the Holy Spirit is the author of it. Because what is 
human in it, is involved in the special direction of the Holy Spirit. 

"After this explanation, it may be asserted without any 
contradiction, that there is nothing in Scripture which is not of 
divine authority, which comes not immediately from God, and 
which is not his Word ; and at the same time to say that all has 
not been immediately revealed. For it suffices that God be the 
author of all Scripture, and that it be his Word, for him to have 
moved the sacred writers to write, and for him to have always 
assisted them, either by an immediate revelation, or by a simple 
direction and special assistance, as we have already explained. 
Although I believe this opinion touching the inspiration of the 
sacred books to be very true, I cannot deny that the other 
sentiment is supported by a number of authorities. But after 
having well considered what is advanced on both sides, I have 
followed that which seems to me the best established."* * 

[The author goes on to quote various passages from different 
writers explanatory of their views upon the subject. These 
quotations he gives in the Latin original as well as in a French 
translation. Some of the Latin extracts are as follows.] 

1. From the Jesuits of Louvain in their Theses of 1586. 

" Ut aliquid sit Scriptura Sacra non est necessarium singula 
ejus verba inspirata esse a Spiritu S^ncto. 

"Non est necessarium ut singulse veritates et sententiae 
sint immediate a Spiritu Sancto ipsi Scriptori inspiratae." 

2. From the Response to the censures of the Theologians 
of Louvain. 

• NouveUcs Observations sur le Texte et Us Versions du Nouv. Testament. By 
Father Simon. Paris: 1695. Chap. iii. 



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288 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

" Evangelist® ac alii Scriptores hagiographi ad ea scribenda 
quae viderant, vel ab infallibilibus testibus audierant, non 
videntur eguisse nova revelatione illarum veritatum. 

" Satis est ut Spiritus Sanctus eligat eos in snos amanu- 
enses, et excitet peculiari instinctu ad scribenda ea quae jam 
antea cognoverant, ac simul illis special issimo modo assistat in 
omnibus verbis ac sententiis, ut ne minimum quidem errorem 
committere possint." 

3. From Cardinal Cajetan (born 1470; died 1534), Com- 
mentary on Luke i. 1528. 

"Originem plenissimae scientiae declarat traditionem apos- 
tolicam: unde clare apparet Lucam scripsisse ex auditu ab 
Apostolis, et non revelatione sibi immediate facta, divina tamen 
gratia dirigente et servante ne in aliquo erraret." 

4. From Ferdinand of Escalante, in Clypeus Concionat. 

" Dico quibusdam scriptoribus sacris Deura non revelasse 
quae scripturi esseat, sed impulsu divino atque instinctu eos 
excitasse ut scriberent proprio sermone quae viderant, legerant, 
audierant, per revelationem noverant. 

" Patet igitur aliquos Scriptores sacros non accepisse a Deo 
quae scripturi essent, per immediatam revelationem, propterea 
quod inedendis voluminibus suis tantopere insudarunt. 

" Si materiam quam descripserunt non acceperint a Deo per 
revelationem, multo minus singula verba." 

[It may be observed here once for all, as necessarily modi- 
fying the views of Escalante and other writers of his communion, 
that they feel bound to devise a theory of inspiration which shall 
be reconciled with such statements as occur in the preface to 
Ecclesiasticus, and in the second book of Maccabees.] 

5. From the theologians of Douay in their censures upon 
the Theses of the Louvain Jesuits above cited. 

*Et sane si non est necessarium ut siugulae veritates et sen- 
tentiae quae sunt in sacris litteris immediate sint a Spiritu Sancto 
ipsi scriptori inspiratae, non modo sequetur indeterminabilis 
altercatio super sententiis immediate vel non immediate inspiratis, 
verum etiam de integris Evangeliis quorum historia potuit hu- 
manitus esse nota ; imo et de omnibus scripturis non propheticis 
dubitabitur, an mediate Spiritus Sanctus eas scriptoribus in- 
spiraverit. 

6. From the work of Escalante, before cited. 

" Quod non pertineat ad rationem formalem Scripturae sacra?, 
esse a Deo suggerente, non solum res quas sacer scriptor scribere 
potest, sed etiam singula verba. 

"Donum Spiritus Sancti circa materiam propositam trifa- 
riara potest considerari : primo, si Deus alicui ad scribendum 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 289 

revelaverit, non res solum, verum etiam singula verba per lumen 
internum: 2. Si dignatus fuerit alicui pandere mysteria, non 
tamen ad ea exaranda verba suppeditaverit. 3. Si scriptori 
neque res scribendas aperuerit lumine superno, neque verba 
suggesserit, sed tantum excitaverit ipsum instinctu divino ad 
scribendum quae oculis vidisset, aut a testibus fidelibus audi- 
visset, vel denique lectione quorundam voluminum didicisset, 
assistente jugiter dum scribit Spiritu veritatis, ut nullatenus 
errare aut decipi possit." 

[Father Simon endorses the preceding as embodying his own 
view of inspiration.] 

7. From Frassen's Disquisitiones Biblicce ; 1682. 

" Praesupponendum est Spiritum Sanctum tribus modis se 
habere ad certitudinem et veritatem alicujus Scripturae, nempe, 
antecedenter, concomitanter, et consequenter. Antecedents se 
habet dum inspirat, revelat, demonstrat quae dicenda scribendave 
sunt ; ita ut de suo proprio genio nihil addat scriptor, sed ea 
duntaxat scribat quae a Spiritu Sancto inspirata revelataque 
sunt, ad eum modum quo discipulus magistro dictante excipit 
quae ab eo proferuntur. Concomitanter ad Scriptorem sacrum 
se habet Spiritus Sanctus, cum non agit vices inspirantis et 
docentis, sed solum dirigentis, ut scriptorem in nullo errare 
fallique permittat ; qualiter videtur habuisse in texendis iis libris 
sacris qui historias et ab aliis gesta referunt, quales sunt libri 
Judicum, Regum, Machabaeorum, Evangeliorum, Acta Apos- 
tolorum, etc. Consequenter se habet Spiritus Sanctus ad aliquam 
scripturam, cum aliquid humano Spiritu et absque divina ulla 
speciali ope, directione et assistentia a quopiam homine fuit con- 
scriptum ; postea tamen, Spiritus Sancti instinctu verum et 
certum esse declaratur. Licet enim hujusmodi scriptura ex 
parte sui autoris, nonnisi fidem humanam mereatur ; quia tamen 
divino testimonio ejus Veritas comprobatur, nullus est Christianus 
qui ut illi fidem adhibeat autoritate divina se non existimet ad- 
act urn. Tunc enim certum est hsec verba eandem infallibilitatem 
habitura, quam habent caetera quae inspiratione vel directione 
cjusdem Spiritus Sancti conscripta sunt." 

8. From the Prolegomena of Bonfrerius, cap. viii. (1625). 
The extracts under this head are in substance, and partly in 
words, the same as those from Frassen, of which indeed they 
are a slight development, and therefore we do not quote them. 

9. From the Jesuit Mariana (born 1536; died 1623), Pro 
Ediiione Vulgata. 

" An credere debeamus Scriptores sacros non modo falli non 
potuisse in magnis, in minimis, sed et concedendum sit Spiritu 
Sancto dictante scripsisse omnia. 

NEW SERIES. — VOL. VI., NO. XII. U 



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290 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

" Sunt enim viri docti et catholici qui utroque modo con- 
tigisse confirmant, pleraque iuflatu Spiritus Divini excepisse sine 
ulla cura aut labore ; alia ex memoria de prompta scribentis, ex 
ratione, experimento, aut aliorum narratione, semper tamen 
Spiritus numine praesenti ne lapsus contingerent." 

[We omit an extract from the same author on the second 
book of Maccabees.] 

30. From Cardinal Bellarmine (born 1542; died 1621), 
De Verbo Dei. 

"Deum quidem esse autorem omnium divinarum scrip- 
turarum, sed aliter tamen adesse solitum prophetis, aliter aliis, 
praesertim historicis. Nam prophetis revelabat futura et simul 
assistebat ne aliquid falsi admiscerent in scribendo; et ideo 
prophets non alium habuerunt laborem quam scribendi vel 
dictandi : aliis autem scriptoribus Deus non semper revelabat ea 
quae scripturi erant, sed excitabat ut scriberunt ea quae viderant 
vel audierant, quorum recordabantur ; et simul assistebat ne 
falsi aliquid scriberent : quae assistentia non faciebat ne labora- 
rent in cogitando et quaerendo quid et quomodo scripturi essent." 

11. Melchior Cano (born 1523; died 1560), bishop of the 
Canaries, De Locis Theologicis. 

" Ipsi vero fatemur singula quaeque, sive magna seu parva, a 
sacris autoribus Spiritu Sancto dictante esse edita : id a patribus 
accepiraus, id fidelium animis inditum et quasi insculptum est. 
Id itaque et nos, Ecclesia praesertim magistra et duce, retinere 
debemus. 

" Non enim asserimus per immediatam Spiritus Sancti reve- 
lationem, quae quidem proprie revelatio dicenda sit, quamlibet 
Scripturae partem fuisse editam. 

" Sive ergo Matthaeus et Joannes, sive Marcus et Lucas, 
quamvis illi visa, hi audita referrent, non egebaut quidem nova 
Spiritus Sancti revelatione; egebant tamen peculiari Spiritus 
Sancti directione. 

" Quae sacri autores scripsere, haec in duplici sunt differentia : 
quaedam quae supernaturali tantum revelatione cognosccbant, et 
ea Basilius tradit a Spiritu Sancto esse ; alia vero naturali cog- 
nitione tenebant, quae scilicet aut oculis viderant, aut manibus 
etiam attrectaverant ; atque haec quidem, ut paulo ante diximus, 
supernaturali lumine et expressa revelatione, ut scriberentur, 
non egebant; sed egebant tamen Spiritus Sancti praesentia et 
auxilio peculiari, ut, licet humana essent et naturae ratione cog- 
nita, divinitus tamen sine ullo errore scriberentur. Haec vero 
ilia sunt quae juxta Basilium Paulus et prophetae de suo loque- 
bantur." 

12. From Vincent Contenson, a Dominican (born 1640; 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 291 

died 1674), author of Theologia Mentis et Cordis, which is pro- 
bably the work quoted here, Dissert. Prceamb. 

"Nota ad veritatem sacrorum librorum non esse opus scriptores 
omnia ex immediata revelatione accepisse ; nam a Petro Marcum, 
ab aliis apostolis beataque Virgine Lucam audivisse coustat." 

[All that is in Scripture has been written, he says]. " Spe- 
ciali Dei instinctu, afflatu, assistentia, directione, et manute- 
nentia. 

" [The sacred writers] in omnibus igitur habuerunt, non 
revelationem, sed assistentiam et auxilium, ne laberentur." 

13. From M. Arnauld (born 16J2; died 1694), Difficulty 
Prop, a M. Steyraert. 

" It would be no longer the pure word of God, if God had 
not generally dictated all that is found in it : for it would then 
be a mixture of the word of God and the word of men." 

[Other extracts from the same writer follow, involving in 
like manner the idea of verbal inspiration, and claiming for 
every part of Scripture the character of a Divine revelation.] 

14. From St. Basil, Contra Eunomianos, lib. v., cap. penult. 

" For all things whatever the Spirit and the Son saith are 
the words of God, and therefore all Scripture is divinely inspired 
and is profitable, having been spoken by the Spirit; for this 
also shews truly that the Spirit is not a creature, because every 
rational creature speaks sometimes from itself, and sometimes 
what comes from God, as when Paul says, * Now concerning 
virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord, yet I give my 
judgment as one that hath obtained mercy ' (1 Cor. vii. 25). 
'Now unto the married it is not I who command, but the Lord" 
(1 Cor. vii. 10). And the prophet, 'O Lord, yet will 1 speak 
with thee of thy judgments. Wherefore do the wicked prosper V 
(Jer. xii. 1). And again, ' Woe is me, my mother, like whom 
hast thou borne me?' (Jer. xv. 10). And sometime (Moses) 
says, ' And thus saith the Lord, Send away my people, that they 
may serve me/ But not so the Spirit ; for he does not at one 
time speak of himself, and at another what is from God. This 
pertains to the creature; but all the words of the Holy Spirit 
are those of God." 

[We have not Basil's works at hand to verify this extract, 
which we translate from Simon's page. His version in one part 
runs to this effect : " Thus saith the Lord. And Moses says, I 
am slow of speech, and have a slow tongue. It is the same who 
speaks thus to Pharaoh, Let my people go/' etc.] 

15. From Jerome. We omit these, the intention of which 
is, like the preceding, to allow and to account for the human 
element and temporary allusions of Scripture. 

u2 



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292 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration, [January, 

16. From Fredigisus (an abbat of the ninth century), in con- 
troversy with Agobard of Lyons. 

The former maintained, " Ut non solum sensum predica- 
tionis et modos vel argumenta dictionum Spiritus Sanctus iis 
inspiraverit : sed etiam ipsa corporalia verba extrinsecus in ore 
ipsorum formaverit." 

To which Agobard replied, " Restat ergo ut sicut ministerio 
angelico vox articulata formata est in ore asinse, ita dicatis 
formari in ore prophetarum." 

17. From an " approbation " given by certain doctors of the 
Sorbonne to a translation of the " Office of the Church " by the 
Port-royalists. Simon affirms that if the terms were rigidly 
adhered to, the translator might claim canonical authority. 

" These prayers are very far from containing anything which 
is not conformed to the doctrine of the Church, since they have 
been dictated by the Holy Ghost which governs it. The same 
Spirit which inspired the saints with these divine prayers, has 
directed the pen of the faithful translator, that he should dis- 
cover to us the burning brightness of that fire which he enkindles 
in their hearts, in order that it might be reflected upon those 
who read this work." 

18. From another doctor, approving vol. i. of M. Arnauld 
on the Perpetuity of the Faith. 

" It is to be hoped that the Spirit of God, which directed his 
pen when he composed this admirable work, will touch the 
heretics who shall read it." 

[The preceding quotations from Simon are all to be found in 
part i., chap. iii. The subject is continued by him in chap, iv., 
where there are a considerable number of other extracts, mostly 
referring to the dispute between the Jesuits and the doctors of 
Louvain and Douay about inspiration. Although these passages 
might be useful and instructive, we must pass them over for 
the present, in order to find room for a few extracts from chap, v., 
where Simon states the opinions of the Calvinists, Lutherans, 
Socinians, and Arminians as to the inspiration of Holy Writ]. 

" There is no doubt that the Calvinists believe in the inspira- 
tion of the sacred authors by an immediate revelation of words 
and things : at least it is the most common opinion among their 
theologians. But some critics of their party, who have eman- 
cipated themselves, have advanced too freely that the apostles 
have sometimes been deceived by defect of memory, as can be seen 
in the remarks of Louis Capell on Acts v. 36, about Theudas. 
This critic says even in this place, that other authors before 
him have observed lapses in the sacred penmen : e Atque hujus- 
modi lapsuum fivrjfxopctc&v exempla nonnulla ab aliis observata 



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1865.] Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. 293 

sunt in sacris scriptoribus.' But this opinion cannot be sus- 
tained if we consider that the Scripture, which is the rule of our 
faith, must necessarily be exempt from all error. 

"Taylor and Bootius (qy. Booth?), Calvinistic Protestants, 
who have published a small work against the preface which 
Father Morin has placed at the head of his edition of the LXX., 
find themselves very much embarrassed to reconcile with the 
Hebrew the quotations of the Evangelists and the Apostles. 
They own indeed that they were inspired in all they wrote, and 
that the assistance of the Holy Spirit was absolutely needful for 
them to acquit themselves of their duty ; but they add at the 
same time, that when they quote in their writings certain texts 
of the Old Testament, they do not need to quote them word for 
word, because the kingdom of God does not consist in words. 
Whence they conclude that the Holy Spirit did not judge it 
fitting that these holy ministers of his word, in citing the Old 
Testament, should adhere to the words ; that he has been satis- 
fied for them only to record the sense. Take the very words of 
these two learned critics, who profess to follow herein the senti- 
ment of Thomas Gataker, an able English Protestant : ' Quae 
assistentia (Spiritus Sancti) iis summopere erat ad implendara 
provinciam iis a Christo injunctum necessaria. Ast uti dicta 
prophetarum, quoties ea in suis sermonibus vel scriptis allega- 
bant, avroXeget, et totidem referrent, id vero nequaquam erat 
necessarium, quando quidem regnum Dei non in verbis con- 
sistit, sed in virtute. Itaque Spiritui Sancto visum non fuit 
sacros illos suae gratiae ministros, quoties aliquid ex antiquis 
oraculis citarent, ipsis vocabulorum atque syllabarum cancellis 
includere ; sed satis habuit in sententiarum veritate eos continere. 
.... Non magnopere curat singulas res quae in transitu ob- 
servari poterant scrupulose commonstrare, omniaque minutatim 
quae de iis dici poterant enarrare; neque tamen ob istius rei 
omissionem dici potest parum diligenter pleneve officio suo functus 
esse. . Sic fere (ut magnis parva componantur) habuit se regimen 
illud quo sacros Evangelii praecones in recto tramite atque via 
veritatis direxit Spiritus Sanctus.' " 

20. From Faustus Socinus (born 1525 ; died 1604), Lectiones 
Sacra. 

" Monumeuta habemus scripta quae nobis Deus mirabili et 
benignissimo consilio dedit et conservavit, divinorum virorum 
qui vel ab ipso divino Spiritu impulsi, eoque dictante, vel Spiritu 
Sancto pleni, ilia litteris commiserunt : hi sunt libri quos Biblia 
seu Vetus et Novum Testamentum vulgo appellamus." 

21. From Sir Norton Knatchbull, Animad. in Nov. Testa- 
ment. 



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294 Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration. [January, 

" Dictavit Spiritus sensum, non verba singula, vel verborum 
formam ; uno enim tunc ore loquerentur singuli." 

22. From Simon Episcopius, Notte breves in Matth. 

" Posito etiam, vel dato, sed non concesso, quod error aliquis 
ab iis com missus esset in recensioue hac, aut quod sphalma 
ullum aliunde in historiam hanc irrepserit, parum profecto hoc 
movere posset aut deberet hominem vere probum et divinra 
legis amantem." 

The foregoing extracts really represent a considerable number 
of writers of different ages and of various theological opinions. 
They shew that these writers all agree in upholding the reality 
of divine inspiration; and nearly all in clearly distinguishing 
the inspiration of the sacred penmen from that of others. They 
differ, however, in regard to the degree and measure of the divine 
afflatus. A few advocate a scheme closely allied to, if not iden- 
tical with, that of which Haldane and Gaussen have been the 
distinguished propounders and expositors. By far the larger 
number set forth views generally according with that modified 
system which has had eminent defenders in our own day, which 
claims to be truly a theory of plenary inspiration, and which 
vindicates for the whole canon of Scripture the right to be called 
the Word of God. Yet this is not verbal inspiration, and we 
doubt whether one in ten among the older writers upon the sub- 
ject insisted upon the verbal inspiration of every part of the 
Bible. Probably the lowest ground was usually occupied by 
Roman Catholics, who have to construct a theory which can be 
reconciled with the admissions of certain apocryphal writers, as 
already mentioned . They are also compelled to make their theory 
square with other facts in the apocryphal books, and in the his- 
tory of the canon. The general feeling of the Protestant writers 
seems to have been that there were degrees of inspiration : that 
in one case the Spirit prompted a man to write what he knew, 
and directed him in the general selection of materials, so that 
he only took the best, and so much as was necessary : and that 
in other cases the very words of the message or statement to be 
written were supplied by divine teaching ; but that in almost 
all circumstances the inspired retained their individual peculiari- 
ties, of thought, feeling, style, etc. The reader will draw his 
own conclusions from the facts now before him. 

(To be continued.) 



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1865.] ( 295 ) 

TYNDALE'S TEANSLATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, ETC., 
AND MR. FRY'S FACSIMILES.' 

Semper eadem is the avowed and distinguishing feature of the 
Boman Church. But we do not think it is true of that Church in 
its natural and obvious significance. The one word which charac- 
terizes it in every decade of the last thousand years is, expediency: 
thus far it has been " always the same." Our present business, 
however, is not controversy, although it is impossible to intro- 
duce our subject without a few words which may savour of it. 
While therefore our preliminary remarks will be, strictly speak- 
ing, historical, we shall not fail to draw one or two inferences. 

The principle of giving God's people the Holy Scriptures in 
the vernacular tongues is illustrated in the originals of those 
Scriptures. The greater portion of the Old Testament was 
written in Hebrew, the vernacular language of Israel; but 
when their national speech was well-nigh lost, or rather ex- 
changed for the Chaldee, that was the language in which some 
of the inspired penmen wrote more or less. When the Hebrew 
became still more a dead letter, the Jewish Church was provided 
with free translations of the whole Bible into Chaldee. For 
the sake of those who had adopted Greek it was translated into 
Greek. The New Testament writers gave the world the writings 
of the New Covenant in Greek, the vernacular of the greater 
part of the then civilized world, and almost everywhere known. 
The Church adopted the plan of the synagogue, and gave to 
sundry nations the Scriptures in their mother tongue. Hence 
we find translations into Syriac, Latin, Coptic, Ethiopic, Arme- 
nian, Gothic, and so forth. These were followed by others, and 
hence we find versions of Scripture in Anglo-Saxon and other 
tongues. As time rolled on, the Latin Church in particular 
departed so far from primitive simplicity that it began to be felt 
inexpedient to encourage the possession of the Bible among the 

• The First New Testament printed in the English Language (1525 .or 1526). 
Translated from the Greek by William Tyndale. Reproduced m Facsimile, 
with an Introduction by Francis Fry, F.S.A. Bristol: printed for the Author. 

MDC Th^ I Prophete Jonas. With an Introduction before teachinge to understonde 
him, and the right use aUo of aU tU Scripture etc., etc By VVilham Tyndale. 
Reproduced in Facsimile. To which is added Coverdale's Version of Jonah, 
with an Introduction by Francis Fry, F.S.A. London: Wilhs and Sotheran. 

™A Propel Dyidoge betwene a GentiUman and a Husbandman eche complayninge 
to other their miserable calamitie through the Ambicion oj Clergye, with "compen- 
dious oUe Treatyse sheivivge hoice that we ought to have the bcrwture inAnalysstie. 
Hans Luft, 1530. Reproduced in Facsimile, with an Introduction by trancis 
Fry F.S.A. London: Willis and Sotheran. Bristol: Lasbury. 186d. 



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296 TyndaWs Translation of New Testament, etc., [January* 

mass of the people. Hence vernacular versions began to be 
discouraged ; and at length, in a council held at Toulouse in 
1229, the Scriptures in general, and vulgar versions in particular, 
were prohibited to the laity in the following terms : — 

"Prohibemu8 etiam, ne libros Veteris et Novi Testamenti 
laid permittantur habere; nisi forte Psalterium, aut Breviarium 
pro divinis officiis, ac Horas beatm'Virginis aliquis ex devotione 
habere velit : sed ne pramissos libros habeant in vulgari trans- 
latos. ,}b 

In plain English, — " We also forbid that the laity should be 
permitted to have the books of the Old and New Testament; 
except perchance any one should wish, out of devotion, to have 
the Psalter or the Breviary for divine services, and the Hours of 
the blessed Virgin : but let them not have the aforesaid books 
translated into the vulgar tongue." 

This monstrous decree became the basis of subsequent prac- 
tice, and placed the laity beyond the reach of the only means 
by which they could ascertain the purity or impurity of the 
doctrines and practices enforced upon them. Nevertheless, there 
were rebels against it, and we all know what took place in our 
own country in the case of Wycliffe. He translated the Bible 
into English ; and although he died in peace, his dead bones 
were dug up and burned years after by a decree of the council 
of Constance. Popular feeling and faith was too strong for 
councils and popes and prelates; and although many Bibles 
were burned, and many of those who read them too, the circu- 
lation and reading of the vernacular versions went on. 

The discovery of printing had an enormous influence in 
favour of this popular feeling, by multiplying the facilities for 
producing copies of the Scriptures. 

In due time William Tyndale appeared, and his history may 
be summed up in a very few words : he translated the Scriptures 
into English, and that which called itself the Church strangled 
him to death, and then burnt his dead body. 

No matter. The servant dies, but the Master lives; and 
his work must be done, even though enemies do it. 

The translation of the Scriptures was carried on with new 
energy in various lands ; and in our own, at length, Englishmen 
conquered for themselves the possession of their proudest birth- 
right — the right to read the Scriptures in their mother tongue. 

Borne had thundered in vain. What did she do ? In 1582 
she printed, or allowed to be printed, at Rheims, an English 
New Testament, " translated out of Latin, with notes and neces- 

* M. L. Bail, JSumma CkmcU., 2, 576: Hefele ConcMmyesch, 5, 875. 



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1865.] and Mr. Fry's Facsimiles. 297 

sary helps." In 1609 the Old Testament also made its appear- 
ance at Douay. At the present time this translation, somewhat 
revised, is circulated by myriads every year among the Roman 
Catholics who speak English. Tyndale's work is so far justified 
by those who martyred him for doing it. 

The time had gone by for the Roman city to command the 
world ; and even when the Council of Trent legislated upon the 
reading of the Scriptures, it was compelled to concede and re- 
cede. Thenceforth the Bible was in theory allowed to the laity 
under certain restrictions. Policy dictated, and has never ceased 
to dictate, that the use of Scripture should be as limited as 
possible, and it is an unquestioned fact that, in Catholic coun- 
tries to this day, not more than one in a hundred possesses a 
Bible. But still the hundredth has it, and the proportion is in- 
creasing. Rome itself has been among the most pertinacious 
in resisting. Of the Greek New Testament even, not a single 
edition was ever issued from the Roman press until that of 
Cardinal Mai five or six years ago. To this day, Protestant 
versions without exception are absolutely prohibited, and the 
prohibition extends to some of the Catholic translations. The 
zealous, pious, and learned Van Ess laboured, might and main, 
even in our own day, to promote the circulation of the Scrip- 
tures, and the treatment he received will be an eternal disgrace 
to his communion. 

Bearing in mind these facts, and remembering that they are 
only a few among thousands, we cannot but look with intense 
interest upon the labours of Mr. Fry, who has reproduced in fac- 
simile the translation of William Tyndale, so far as the New 
Testament and the Book of Jonah are concerned. When men 
like Cardinal Wiseman, in his late volume of sermons, are telling 
us how we have the use of the Scriptures, it is well to recall 
some of the facts connected with the literary policy of Rome. 
It is well too that we should recollect the struggles and bitter 
deaths of some who first sought to place the Scriptures in the 
hands of the people. 

It is not our purpose, however, now to write the life of Tyn- 
dale; our business is chiefly with Mr. Fry and his labours of 
love, which will claim the remainder of the space at our disposal. 
No mere verbal description can fairly represent the beauty and 
accuracy of the interesting and valuable facsimiles of which we 
have given the titles. Our endeavour will therefore be simply to 
record what these facsimiles comprise, to give a few extracts, 
and to add certain details chiefly borrowed from Mr. Fry's in- 
troductions. 

The introduction to the New Testament contains an account 



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298 Tyndale 9 s Translation of New Testament, etc., [January, 

of Tyndale and his work. He was born in Gloucestershire 
about 1484, and studied, first at Oxford, and afterwards at Cam- 
bridge. In 1519 he became tutor in the family of Sir John 
Walsh of Little Sodbury, and here he remained for two or three 
years, during which time he became conspicuous for his zeal in 
behalf of the principles of the Reformation. In 1522 he was 
accused and menaced, but for the present escaped. He next 
went to London, thinking to enter the service of Tonstall, but 
the project failed, and he continued for a while with a wealthy 
citizen named Munmouth, in the latter part of 1523. He 
secretly cherished the desire to translate the New Testament 
into English, but no opportunity presented itself here, so he re- 
solved to see what he could do in Germany. He therefore went 
to Hamburg in 1524, and in 1525 we find him printing at Co- 
logne an English New Testament in quarto, with short notes. 
This work was interrupted by the Romanists; Tyndale, how- 
ever, once more escaped, and went on to Worms. A fragment 
of his unfinished book is in the British Museum. The first 
complete New Testament in English which he succeeded in pro- 
ducing seems to have been printed in octavo at Worms, but 
without notes, prologue, date, or name of place and printer. 

Mr. Fry nas endeavoured to ascertain when, where, and by 
whom this important volume was printed; and he regards it 
as almost certain that it was printed by Peter Schoeffer, at 
Worms, in 1525 or 1526. An examination of the royal libraries 
of Stuttgard and Munich enabled Mr. Fry to compare some of 
SchoefFer's known productions with Tyndale's New Testament, 
and he found among them books manifestly printed from the 
same fount of type, and upon similar paper with the same water- 
marks. The volumes also agree in various technical details, as 
in the number of lines to a page, the length of the lines, etc 

The only perfect copy known of this precious edition of the 
New Testament is that in the Library of the Baptist College at 
Bristol, where it has been since 1784. From this volume the 
late George OfFor* edited a reprint with portrait and memoir, in 
1836. From the same, Mr. Fry has executed his remarkable 
lithographed facsimile edition. We insert here his account of 
the original work : — 

" The description of the Bristol Tyndale may be given as follows : — 
It is not in the original binding, has ' Joseph Ames ' stamped outside on 
both the covers, and Ames's book-plate is pasted in it. It is lettered on 
the back, ' Jtetoe CeflUramrte b$ ©gn&all 1st edition. ut.*.xxb(.' ' oxford' 
was also on the back, but has been partly gilt over, and ' ford ' only is 

* He died August 4th, 1864. 



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1865.] and Mr. Fry's Facsimiles. 299 

now legible. There are marginal references in manuscript, apparently 
contemporaneous, throughout the volume, which have been cut into by 
the binder, shewing that the size has been considerably reduced. A leaf 
measures 5£ by 4 inches. The volume is evidently a choice copy, and it 
probably belonged, at an early period, to some person of distinction ; as 
the capitals, woodcuts, and paragraph marks inserted on every page, being 
2606 in number, are all illuminated. The pages are ruled with red lines, 
and there are passages marked with brackets in red ink. A page, finished 
in all respects like the original, will be found at page 26. The imperfect 
copy in St. Paul's Library has none of these ornaments. 

" The volume is without title, and begins with the text on folio I, 
signature 21 ii, and extends in eights to folio 343, misprinted 353, with 
three unnumbered leaves, as will be seen in the following work. BB 8 is 
a blank leaf not numbered. Probably the title was on 21 i. We know 
that if there was a title it had not the translator's name on it]; for Tyn- 
dale himself elsewhere says, * The cause why I set my name before this 
litle treatise & have not rather don it in the new testament is, that when 
I folowed the councel of Chryste which exhorteth men Math. vi. to do 
their good deades secretly and to be contente with the conscience of wel 
doynge, and that God seeth us, and pacyentlye to abyde the rewarde of 
the last day which christ hath purchased for us : and nowe wold faine 
have done lykewise, but am compelled otherwise to do.' " 

This passage is followed by another in which Mr. Fry records 
his own labours, and it is on several accounts so instructive that 
we transfer it for the information of our readers : — 

" I have thought a reproduction of the only known copy of the first 
edition of Tyndale's New Testament, perhaps the most interesting book 
in our language, well worth the time, money, and pains employed in its 
execution. It is a faithful representation of the original ; and will be 
valued not only as a Version, but as shewing the state of the English 
language, the style of the printing, the orthography (which is very irre- 
gular), the punctuation, the divisions of the words at the end of the lines 
(even to a letter), and the contractions used. It has been made by tracing 
on transfer paper, placing this on lithographic stones, and then printing it 
in the usual way ; a method evidently calculated to insure the closest pos- 
sible correspondence with the original. 

" To prove the correctness of the work, I have compared a proof of 
every page, folding it so as to place each line parallel with, and close to, 
the same line in the original ; so that, by comparing the line all along, I 
could easily see that it was correct. In this way I have examined every 
line throughout the volume, and I believe that not a single incorrect letter 
will be found in it. I have devoted so much time to this careful exami- 
nation, in order that the accuracy of the work may be relied on. Tyndale 
alludes, in his address ' To the Beder/ to ' the rudness of the worke.' 
This may refer to errors in the printing; and these the reader will see, 
as no alterations have been made. At the end of the volume we have 
• the Errours comitted in the prentynge.' Some of these errors, however, 
do not exist, and others are incorrectly quoted. I state this, lest it should 



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800 Tyndale'8 Translation of New Testament, etc., [January, 

be supposed that I have anywhere corrected or altered the text. I have 
specially examined all the lines referred to in the list, and can say that 
they are correctly copied. Tyndale says, ' There is not so raoch as one J 
therin/ if it lacke a tytle over his hed but they have noted it/ and nombre 
it unto the ignorant people for an heresy/ There are but few tittles 
omitted. 

" The paper on which this Testament is printed has been expressly 
manufactured to imitate the colour and appearance of the original. It is 
hand-made, the fine and cross wires being placed in the paper maker's 
mould so as to produce the same wire-marks as appear in the paper used 
by Schoeffer. The large paper copies are printed on the same paper, made 
thicker for the purpose. A few copies have been printed on old paper, 
which will be designated as such. 

" As it was by no means uncommon for the early printers to work off 
some copies of their works on vellum, and as we have many examples of 
the Holy Scriptures having been so printed, a few copies have been taken 
off on this material. 

" The whole impression of the present work consists of 177 copies, of 
which 26 are in quarto. To produce these, the entire text has been trans- 
ferred from the 88 stones used in printing the octavo size, to 176 stones 
required for the quarto size, so as to obtain the wider inside and top mar- 
gins. More than 50 copies are specially reserved and appropriated. It 
is proper to state that the work has been effaced from the stones." 

In addition to the facsimiles thus patiently and diligently 
executed, Mr. Fry has produced facsimiles of six pages of titles 
and letter press from books printed by Peter Schoeffer, with 
specimens of the watermarks. With regard to these water- 
marks we may notice, that both the larger and the smaller are 
to be found in a volume now before us, and printed by the same 
Peter Quentell, whom Tyndale first employed to print his New 
Testament. The volume to which we refer is a collection of 
acts of councils, printed at Cologne in 1530. The smaller water- 
mark appears in the Greek Testament of Cephalaeus (Stras- 
burg : 1524). Where or by whom the paper thus extensively 
employed was made we know not, but it is perhaps worth notice 
that both the designs may be called variations of the fool's-cap, 
and that the smaller one is the symbol of the Swiss canton of 
Basel. 

The preceding extract will shew that Mr. Fry's edition is in 
three forms ; one in octavo, and two in quarto, or on large 
paper : of the large paper some are on modern and some on 
really old paper, some are without illuminations, and a few have 
been illuminated throughout. All of them, and especially the 
latter, are very beautiful specimens of art. 

Let us now shortly describe one of the copies as it lies before 
us. The volume is a small thick quarto, done up in cloth of a 



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1865.] and Mr. Fry's Facsimiles. 801 

very quiet colour. It contains 358 leaves of text, three pages 
to the reader, and three of errata, all which are lithographed in 
facsimile. Mr. Fry's introduction and illustrative facsimiles 
precede. The paper of the book is really old, whereas the other 
copies are on paper in imitation of the old.